Wednesday, 7 December 2011
The Ṇamōkāra Mantra
Tuesday, 6 December 2011
Jain Food Habits: Some Facts
Jain Food Habits: Some Facts
Jain Food Habits: Some Facts
Recently I have added some vegetarian recipes to my blog Jain Food Recipes , which include use of root vegetables. Few people have questioned that how the recipes are tagged as Jain Food recipes as Jain do not use root vegetables. The readers of my article ‘What is Jain Food?’ also have asked the same type of question.
Here is the clarification.
It is misconception that all Jains have banned the use of root vegetables. Not eating root vegetables is a vow, and only those people do not eat them who have taken the vow. So there is no question of banning root vegetables by all Jains. Moreover, the number of Jains taking this vow is very low, even in the period of Rainy Season (Chaaturmaas), when some people avoid eating root vegetables. Generally, senior members of Jain community, mostly women, take the vow.
Furthermore, banning root vegetables is a popular thing in the state of Gujaraat, where not only orthodox Jains but also Hindu Vaishnavites ban the use of root vegetables in their food. As for many people ‘Gujaraati’ is an alternative word for Jain’, food habits of Gujaraatis are being considered as food habits of all Jains. But the fact is that there are millions of Jains outside the Gujaraati world and their food habits are different from that of Gujaraati Jains. So while thinking about Jain food, you should not ignore the recipes popular in the non Gujaraati Jain communities.
The funny thing about the non-eater of root vegetables is that they have cleverly excluded some root vegetables from their rule. They eat carrots, sweet potatoes, turmeric powder, ginger powder, groundnuts, radish etc. Their sole opposition is to onions, garlic and potatoes. They never speak about the sugar they are eating which is made from beetroots.
According to the rules of orthodox Jains, they are not permitted to eat after sunset.
But the very funny thing is that the so-called Jain food is vastly available in Indian vegetarian restaurants even after sunset, and at late night.
Further, the rules do not allow eating green vegetables, vegetable leaves and even pickles etc. But have you ever heard them discussing about it? If the Jain food recipes include these things, why recipes including onion, garlic and potato are targeted?
Historical facts and literary referencesAachaaraang Sutra is the oldest sacred text of Jains. It was written exclusively for the Jain ascetics (monks). The text gives detailed guidelines on the conduct of the monks, and what they should eat and should not eat. Nowhere in this book, the consumption of root vegetables is banned.
Now, as usual the Digambar Jains will say that Achaaraang Sutra is a Shwetambar text, and Digambars do not believe in it. Well, then Mulaachaar is the textbook exclusively for Digambar Jain monks. It is also one of the oldest Jain texts, and nowhere in this book the consumption of root vegetables is banned.
Remember that both the above-mentioned ancient books were written exclusively for Jain monks. If you read these books, you will find many hard to digest facts about allowed food habits for the Jain monks. The Jain monks are strict followers, while the Jain laymen have to follow at low scale. We should think over this.
It is clear that root vegetables were banned by some Jains in later period, and it was just an adoption of Vaishnavite practices. Notable thing is that Gujaraat is the stronghold of Vaishnvites and Gujarati Jains have adopted many of Vaishnavite traditions. For example, Gujarati Jains decorate idols of Teerthankars. Can any wise man dare to say that it is a Jain tradition?
In a sixteenth century Marathi book, there is a conversation between two Jain women who were climbing the hill of Girnaar. One of the women is a Gujaraati and another is a Maraathi. The Gujaraati woman taunts the Maraathi woman about her community’s tradition of eating the subzi of brinjal. In reply, the Maraathi woman says, “ Being religious doesn’t depend on what you eat, but what you do…and how come you paint your lips and even of the idol…’ etc.
Even in the famous Moksha Maarg Prakaashak, Pandit Todarmal have rebuked those Jains who give importance to less important things like eating habits.
Upaadhyaay Amarmuni, one of the greatest Jain monks of 20th century have clearly said that banning root vegetables in food is a fad of Jains from Gujaraat.
Even today monks of some Jain sects freely take root vegetables in their food. Some Jain monks avoid eating root vegetable in one region, but in another regions, they eat it.
Food Habits is not Religion
Unfortunately, many Jains are confused about food habits and religion. In fact, these two things are distinct. Being a vegetarian is a must thing for the followers of Jainism. But it doesn’t mean that one can become a true follower of Jainism by being a Vegetarian.
Understanding Jainism leads you to the vegetarian way of life, not vice versa. Being a vegetarian and taking various vows are just outer things. What is important, are you a Jain at your heart? If you do not eat root vegetables, but are self-centered, money oriented, selfish, egoistic, exploit people, have contempt for other people, if you do not live a simple life, then how can a sensible man can say that you are a Jain?
I have seen that many Jains who do not eat root vegetables, have a dislike about those who eat root vegetables. Such non-eaters like to insult the eaters. They have all the bad habits I have mentioned above. This very thing suggests that the non-eaters have failed to understand the true spirit of Jainism.
I conclude this article by giving a funny but true example.
One of my Brahmin friends invited me for a dinner at his house. On the next day, one of my neighbors, who is a Jain, asked me,
“ So what was the menu their?”
“It was a simple menu. Chapaatis, Potato subzi, Rice and Daal,” I replied.
“Potato subzi?” he seriously said, “You ate Potato subzi? I never eat potato subzi”
“Yes, I know! But you drink wine, and that too at night!” I said.
Recently I have added some vegetarian recipes to my blog Jain Food Recipes , which include use of root vegetables. Few people have questioned that how the recipes are tagged as Jain Food recipes as Jain do not use root vegetables. The readers of my article ‘What is Jain Food?’ also have asked the same type of question.
Here is the clarification.
It is misconception that all Jains have banned the use of root vegetables. Not eating root vegetables is a vow, and only those people do not eat them who have taken the vow. So there is no question of banning root vegetables by all Jains. Moreover, the number of Jains taking this vow is very low, even in the period of Rainy Season (Chaaturmaas), when some people avoid eating root vegetables. Generally, senior members of Jain community, mostly women, take the vow.
Furthermore, banning root vegetables is a popular thing in the state of Gujaraat, where not only orthodox Jains but also Hindu Vaishnavites ban the use of root vegetables in their food. As for many people ‘Gujaraati’ is an alternative word for Jain’, food habits of Gujaraatis are being considered as food habits of all Jains. But the fact is that there are millions of Jains outside the Gujaraati world and their food habits are different from that of Gujaraati Jains. So while thinking about Jain food, you should not ignore the recipes popular in the non Gujaraati Jain communities.
The funny thing about the non-eater of root vegetables is that they have cleverly excluded some root vegetables from their rule. They eat carrots, sweet potatoes, turmeric powder, ginger powder, groundnuts, radish etc. Their sole opposition is to onions, garlic and potatoes. They never speak about the sugar they are eating which is made from beetroots.
According to the rules of orthodox Jains, they are not permitted to eat after sunset.
But the very funny thing is that the so-called Jain food is vastly available in Indian vegetarian restaurants even after sunset, and at late night.
Further, the rules do not allow eating green vegetables, vegetable leaves and even pickles etc. But have you ever heard them discussing about it? If the Jain food recipes include these things, why recipes including onion, garlic and potato are targeted?
Historical facts and literary referencesAachaaraang Sutra is the oldest sacred text of Jains. It was written exclusively for the Jain ascetics (monks). The text gives detailed guidelines on the conduct of the monks, and what they should eat and should not eat. Nowhere in this book, the consumption of root vegetables is banned.
Now, as usual the Digambar Jains will say that Achaaraang Sutra is a Shwetambar text, and Digambars do not believe in it. Well, then Mulaachaar is the textbook exclusively for Digambar Jain monks. It is also one of the oldest Jain texts, and nowhere in this book the consumption of root vegetables is banned.
Remember that both the above-mentioned ancient books were written exclusively for Jain monks. If you read these books, you will find many hard to digest facts about allowed food habits for the Jain monks. The Jain monks are strict followers, while the Jain laymen have to follow at low scale. We should think over this.
It is clear that root vegetables were banned by some Jains in later period, and it was just an adoption of Vaishnavite practices. Notable thing is that Gujaraat is the stronghold of Vaishnvites and Gujarati Jains have adopted many of Vaishnavite traditions. For example, Gujarati Jains decorate idols of Teerthankars. Can any wise man dare to say that it is a Jain tradition?
In a sixteenth century Marathi book, there is a conversation between two Jain women who were climbing the hill of Girnaar. One of the women is a Gujaraati and another is a Maraathi. The Gujaraati woman taunts the Maraathi woman about her community’s tradition of eating the subzi of brinjal. In reply, the Maraathi woman says, “ Being religious doesn’t depend on what you eat, but what you do…and how come you paint your lips and even of the idol…’ etc.
Even in the famous Moksha Maarg Prakaashak, Pandit Todarmal have rebuked those Jains who give importance to less important things like eating habits.
Upaadhyaay Amarmuni, one of the greatest Jain monks of 20th century have clearly said that banning root vegetables in food is a fad of Jains from Gujaraat.
Even today monks of some Jain sects freely take root vegetables in their food. Some Jain monks avoid eating root vegetable in one region, but in another regions, they eat it.
Food Habits is not Religion
Unfortunately, many Jains are confused about food habits and religion. In fact, these two things are distinct. Being a vegetarian is a must thing for the followers of Jainism. But it doesn’t mean that one can become a true follower of Jainism by being a Vegetarian.
Understanding Jainism leads you to the vegetarian way of life, not vice versa. Being a vegetarian and taking various vows are just outer things. What is important, are you a Jain at your heart? If you do not eat root vegetables, but are self-centered, money oriented, selfish, egoistic, exploit people, have contempt for other people, if you do not live a simple life, then how can a sensible man can say that you are a Jain?
I have seen that many Jains who do not eat root vegetables, have a dislike about those who eat root vegetables. Such non-eaters like to insult the eaters. They have all the bad habits I have mentioned above. This very thing suggests that the non-eaters have failed to understand the true spirit of Jainism.
I conclude this article by giving a funny but true example.
One of my Brahmin friends invited me for a dinner at his house. On the next day, one of my neighbors, who is a Jain, asked me,
“ So what was the menu their?”
“It was a simple menu. Chapaatis, Potato subzi, Rice and Daal,” I replied.
“Potato subzi?” he seriously said, “You ate Potato subzi? I never eat potato subzi”
“Yes, I know! But you drink wine, and that too at night!” I said.
Jain Food Habits | Night Eating Facts
Jain Food Habits | Night Eating Facts
By Mahavir Sanglikar
For orthodox Jains, eating after night is a sin. The logic behind it is that after sunset, there are lot of insects and invisible creatures everywhere, and if you eat after sunset, these insect and creature can fall in your food. Thus you will eat them unknowingly with your food, and you will be a cause of killing them. Obviously, for the orthodox Jains, the night eaters become great sinners.
Many Jain monks always like to speak against night eating in their discourses. For them, bashing night eaters has become a top priority thing.
Now, let us see what were the facts behind banning night eating, and is it practical to eat before sunset in modern days.
Just before one hundred years, there was no electricity in India. Soon after sunset, there was a blackout like situation everywhere. Not only Jains, but also people of all communities used to eat before sunset. There was no difference between human beings and animals on this front. It was a natural thing for all of them to eat before sunset and go to sleep after it. Sleeping at 7 to 8 P.M. and to wake up at about 4 A.M. was a routine thing for most of the people. Literary references confirm these facts. Even today, there are many villages in remote areas in India, where electricity has not reached yet. The routine life of people there is similar to the abovementioned situation.
Entry of electricity in India changed the lifestyle of people rapidly. This process was boosted by industrialization and the entry of radio and television. Today the timings of going to sleep and waking up are very different from the timings mentioned above. Generally people go to sleep after 10 to 11 P.M. and wake up at 6 to 7 A.M. Note that in both the situations, the sleeping period is 8 hours, which is ideal for human beings.
Now coming to the point, it is very practical for most of the people to take a dinner at 8 PM to 9.30 P.M. They eat at bright light and there is no question of falling insects in the food plates. Everybody knows it. Realizing this, the bashers of night eating are saying now that eating before sunset is better for health as it allows a gap between eating and sleeping. If you eat at night and soon go to sleep, it would create health problems etc.
Now, some questions arise. Was the practice of eating before sunset for health reasons? The answer is: No! No Jain texts say that one should eat before sunset for his/her health. The only reason they give is the falling of the insects and creatures in the food plate.
Well, now coming to the so-called health benefits of eating before sunset. In prior times, the people used to eat before sunset, say at 6.00 P.M., they were going to sleep at 7.00 to 7.30 P.M. Now people eat at around 9 P.M. and go to sleep at 10 to 10.30 P.M. In both the situations, the time gap between eating and sleeping is about 1 to 1.30 hours. This proves that the health reason is a new ‘invention’, invented just to force the out of dated practice on people.
The truth is that orthodox people do not want to leave most of such outdated practices even if they have become just madness. Although they do not know ABC of Science, they try to find ‘science’ in such practices. But they are very confused people, as eventually they like to bash science also, and at the other times they have to take support of science. It is just ridiculous!
Jains should stop to follow and promote such out of dated and stupid practices and work on awaken the people on bigger sins like frauds, thefts, lies and hatred etc. It is a very shameful thing for Jain community that they are on forefront in economic crimes and offences. Shameful thing is that most of the Gutkha manufacturers belong to Jain community. They are responsible to spread cancer like diseases in Indian youth. But the Jain monks like to invite these Gutkha kings in their so-called religious functions. After all, Jainism is running on bad money!
Jains should remember that any religion is measured on what the follower community does and not on what is written in its scripture.
For orthodox Jains, eating after night is a sin. The logic behind it is that after sunset, there are lot of insects and invisible creatures everywhere, and if you eat after sunset, these insect and creature can fall in your food. Thus you will eat them unknowingly with your food, and you will be a cause of killing them. Obviously, for the orthodox Jains, the night eaters become great sinners.
Many Jain monks always like to speak against night eating in their discourses. For them, bashing night eaters has become a top priority thing.
Now, let us see what were the facts behind banning night eating, and is it practical to eat before sunset in modern days.
Just before one hundred years, there was no electricity in India. Soon after sunset, there was a blackout like situation everywhere. Not only Jains, but also people of all communities used to eat before sunset. There was no difference between human beings and animals on this front. It was a natural thing for all of them to eat before sunset and go to sleep after it. Sleeping at 7 to 8 P.M. and to wake up at about 4 A.M. was a routine thing for most of the people. Literary references confirm these facts. Even today, there are many villages in remote areas in India, where electricity has not reached yet. The routine life of people there is similar to the abovementioned situation.
Entry of electricity in India changed the lifestyle of people rapidly. This process was boosted by industrialization and the entry of radio and television. Today the timings of going to sleep and waking up are very different from the timings mentioned above. Generally people go to sleep after 10 to 11 P.M. and wake up at 6 to 7 A.M. Note that in both the situations, the sleeping period is 8 hours, which is ideal for human beings.
Now coming to the point, it is very practical for most of the people to take a dinner at 8 PM to 9.30 P.M. They eat at bright light and there is no question of falling insects in the food plates. Everybody knows it. Realizing this, the bashers of night eating are saying now that eating before sunset is better for health as it allows a gap between eating and sleeping. If you eat at night and soon go to sleep, it would create health problems etc.
Now, some questions arise. Was the practice of eating before sunset for health reasons? The answer is: No! No Jain texts say that one should eat before sunset for his/her health. The only reason they give is the falling of the insects and creatures in the food plate.
Well, now coming to the so-called health benefits of eating before sunset. In prior times, the people used to eat before sunset, say at 6.00 P.M., they were going to sleep at 7.00 to 7.30 P.M. Now people eat at around 9 P.M. and go to sleep at 10 to 10.30 P.M. In both the situations, the time gap between eating and sleeping is about 1 to 1.30 hours. This proves that the health reason is a new ‘invention’, invented just to force the out of dated practice on people.
The truth is that orthodox people do not want to leave most of such outdated practices even if they have become just madness. Although they do not know ABC of Science, they try to find ‘science’ in such practices. But they are very confused people, as eventually they like to bash science also, and at the other times they have to take support of science. It is just ridiculous!
Jains should stop to follow and promote such out of dated and stupid practices and work on awaken the people on bigger sins like frauds, thefts, lies and hatred etc. It is a very shameful thing for Jain community that they are on forefront in economic crimes and offences. Shameful thing is that most of the Gutkha manufacturers belong to Jain community. They are responsible to spread cancer like diseases in Indian youth. But the Jain monks like to invite these Gutkha kings in their so-called religious functions. After all, Jainism is running on bad money!
Jains should remember that any religion is measured on what the follower community does and not on what is written in its scripture.
Origin of Oswals
Origin of Oswals
The origin of Oswal is disputed. There are 3 different schools of thought.
I. Opinion of Jain Acharyas
II. Opinion of Bhats and Charna
III. Opinion of historians
Opinion of Jain Acharyas
According to ‘Upkesh Gachh Pattawali’ Acharya Sri Ratna Prabh Suri did his ‘Chathurmas’ in the Veer Sanwat year 70 at Upkeshpur Pattan and he addressed the king and his people and converted them into Jains. Changing religion is not a big thing but to make a community to follow non-violence from violence was a historical achievement. He preached that Yagya & Havana were all against the Jainism and made all of them mahajan.
New Kingdom of Upkeshpur Pattan (City)
Accordingly to Upkesh Gachh Pattawali, the Raja or King of Srimal Pattan had 2 sons – Utpaldev and Sripunj. One day Utpaldev teased Sripunj, so Sripunj got angry and said, “you are giving me orders as if you have won this kingdom by your own means and power”
Utpaldev immediately realised this and he left the city with his friend Uhad and met Raja Sadhu of Dhelipur (Delhi). With his blessings he built a new city Upkeshpur. As the farming of sugar cane (Ganna) was done on that place, the name of the city was kept as Upkeshpur, which in a short time became famous as Upkeshpur Pattan. The city was about 12 yojans in length and 9 yojans in breadth. Many traders, scholars, Brahmins settled in this new city of Upkeshpur Pattan.
Acharya Ratna Prabh Suri
The city of Raganpur in the state of Vidyadhar was ruled by Raja Mahendra Chud. The queen Mahadevi Laxmi gave birth to a son who was named ‘Ratna Chud Vidhyadhar’. Ratna Chud was a great scholar, very brilliant and had skills in many Vidhyas. One day when he was flying in his ‘Viman’ (plane), it stopped near Mount Abu. On inquiry it was found that Acharya Sri Swamprabh Suri was passing by. Ratna Chud got down from his plane and bowed to the Acharya. From the preaching’s of Acharya he became disciple of Acharya and took ‘Disksha’ in the year Veer Sanwat 52. After getting skilled in various philosophical, intellectual and spiritual rites he became Acharya.
One day Acharya Sri Ratna Prabh Suri was touring near Abu, ‘Chakreshwari Devi’ came and asked Acharya if he could visit Upkeshpur Pattan then the Jain religion could be spread much faster. So the Acharya along with his 500 disciples reached Upkeshpur Pattan.
In Upkeshpur Brahmins were very powerful. They had blessings from the king in doing Havan, yagya etc. So when Acharya came the brahmins did not allow the Acharya to enter the city. So the Acharya and disciples were forced to stay on Lunadri mountain. All saints were under the ritual of ‘Maas Shraman’ (Fasting for a month) so in the evening after evening prayer (Pratikraman) the Acharya ordered to return back in the morning.
At night ‘Chamunda Devi’ came and bowed to Acharya and asked for forgiveness that she had forgotten the message of Chakreshwari Devi because she was busy in dancing. She requested the Acharya that she would create ‘maya’ so that the citizens will welcome Acharya and disciples. However in the morning Acharya announced to his disciples, that saints busy in Ghor Tapasya to stay and the rest to move else where. 465 saints left and 35 remained to continue the fasting and Tapasya.
The daughter, Saubhagya Kumari of Raja Utpaldev got married to Trilok Singh son of the minister Uhad. A snake bite Trilok singh at night when they both were sleeping. So he died. In the morning when the funeral procession was going Chamunda Devi appeared in saints form and told people why they were taking a living man for funeral and disappeared.
Every body discussed and some people told that they had seen similar saints on Lunadri mountain. All went there with the procession, there the Devi again reappeared in saints dress and told that the sadhus have divine powers. If you sprinkle hot water poured on the Acharya toe on the prince body the prince would regain life. This was immediately done and as expected the prince was back to life.
The visit of Acharya Ratna Prabh Suri
The whole city was overjoyed. The Acharya and his disciples were treated with full honour and respect and they entered the city. Crowd was cheering with Jai-Jaikar. Acharya stopped in front of the fort and said to remove luxurious things like carpets etc. than only they can enter. All decoration and luxuries were removed and than Acharya and his disciples entered in the palace. When the king offered jewels etc. to Acharya, he said, “Oh king, we have already left all material things long back and we remain busy in tapasya and prayers to the almighty, we have no pleasures even in seeing these things.“ Everyone was surprised.
When the sermon was given then they found out how better the Jain Religion is. The greater happiness can be found by sacrifice and religious ceremonies. The wealth, prosperity and physical pleasures are worldly desires. They increase sorrow & unhappiness at the end. This road leads to hell. The road to heaven is in sacrifices, donations, Dhyan, meditation etc. Before the birth the child faces 9 months of acute hell. The pain at the time of labor cannot be explained. By the action of sacrifices and meditation all pleasures can be gained.
In the year Veer Sanwat 70 the Acharya did his chaturmas (where Muni stay in a place for 4 months) The Acharya and his disciples broke the fast there and due to his continued preaching and sermons 1500 men and 3000 women became sadhu and Sadhvi and 140,000 people adopted Jainism.
The foundation day of OswalsAccording to Muni Sri Gyan Sunderji the foundation day of Oswals falls on the fourteenth day of Krishna Paksha in the month of Shravan. All Jain-Oswals celebrate this with sacrifice, prayers and meditation.
The KULDEVI of Oswals
The KULDEVI of Oswals is “Maa Jagat Bhawani Sachhiyay Mata”.
There was a big temple of Chamunda Mata in Upkeshpur presently known as Osiya situated near Jodhpur, Rajasthan. The temple was known for chamatkars and therefore everybody prayed to Chamunda Mata. In Navratri buffaloes were butchered. People used to give offerings of flash of buffaloes to please the Devi. The Acharya Shri Ratna Prabh Suri stopped this practice of animal killing. Because of this the goddess got angry and she created pain in the eyes of Sri Acharya. He did not do anything but continued with the suffering, when Devi found out that no reaction has taken place, she was ashamed. She asked forgiveness from the Acharya. Acharya explained that, “You better not allow killing of animals as offering to you, by asking your devotees to offer you flashes of buffaloes or other animals you are doing your own harm. You will have to face all the wrong that are committed in your name, you have been made Goddess because of your good actions but now you will have to face the hell “ The Goddess got enlightened she told Acharya,” from today no more such killings would be allowed in the temple and even red colored flower shall not be offered. I will accept Prasad & Lapsi, my worship will be done by kesar, chandan (Sandal wood) and Dhup (incense sticks). I will be happy as long as people are devoted to lord Mahavira. I will fulfill all the prayers of my devotees.’
Acharya told from today you are Sachhi Mata. From that day Chamunda mata became and known as Sachhiyay Mata.
The Jain Mandir of Lord Mahavira at OsiyaIt is believed and said that Sachhiyay mata was devoted in the Bhakti of lord Mahavira so much so that she decided to build a temple for Lord Mahavira.
The Upkeshpur king had a holy cow. A vary mysterious thing started happening. Everyday in the evening when the cow returns from jungle, she had no milk left. This continued for a while. The person looking after the cows was asked to explain why at particular place cows carried no milk. The shepherd explained that while the cow was roaming in a heightened land the milk flowed out from her automatically in all the four directions, when the milk was finished the cow returned to the herd. Next day also same scene was seen by thousands of people. King Utpal Dev was informed of the incident. Next day the king, the Prime minister & several thousand people gathered and saw the scene. The king narrated the incident to Acharya Sriji and acharya sri ji understood that this was the work of Chamunda Devi. Next day at the auspicious hour, the place was dug up and a deity of lord Mahavira made up of sand was retrieved. In the digging also 9 laks gold coins were also found which were melted and the idol of God Mahavira was covered with gold. Later a temple was built. It is said that the opening Pratistha (the way in which deity is installed) was done by Acharya sriji on Thursday the 5th day of shukla panchami in the year Veer Samvat 70. At the same time Acharya by his Devik powers did Pratistha for another Lord Parshvanath temple in Konarpur, which was miles away from Osiya.
Views/ Philosophy of Bhats and Charans
According to the writing of Bhats and Charans, the Oswal community was founded in year Vikram Sanwat 222. According to historian Mr. Pooran Chand Nahar and Daulat singh Bhati the oswal community came into existence in 222. However Jagga Shah of Abha Nagri made a big procession of Oswals in 222 and Jagga Shah was Oswal. Which means Oswals were in existence even before 222 but they were called Mahajans and not Oswals.
It is believed that before year 222 all Oswals were of Mahajan community. In year 222 there was a big meeting of Mahajans in Khandela (Near Jaipur) in that meeting Mahajans from Osiya (Upkeshpur), Srimal Nagar, Khandela, Pali, Agrova, Pragvat Nagar etc. came and attended. From that day all the Mahajans were named according to their places. Like from Osiya Oswals, from Srimal Srimali, From Khandela Khandelwal, from Pali Palliwal, from Agrova Agarwal and from Pragvat Porwal etc. Therefore in 70 AD Mahajans came in existence and 222 Ad Oswals came in existence.
Historical View
Some of the historians like Sri Pooran Chand Nahar, Dr. Bhandarkar, Agarchand Nahata , Hira Chand Ojha, Jagdish Singh Ghelot, Mohnot, Nensi are of the view that Oswals came in existence during the period between 70 AD and 222 AD.
Dr. Bhandarkar says that Utpaldev once asked for Shelter with Parihar king. The Parihar king gave the permission to re-build Bhelpur Pattan. It is said that shelter which was given is called Oslakiya (means take shelter) which later on was turned as Osiya. This was in 9th century.
According to Sohan Raj Bhansali the Oswals started from 8th century.
Osiya in history
The archeological team found many old samples, statues of olden times in Osiya. In the temple of Osiya there is a deity of Harihar, which is half Shiva & half Vishnu, which is vary ancient. The paintings found in Osiya include Vasudeva with baby Krishna on his head, Krishna fighting with horse, Killing of Putna, Kalidaman, Govardhan dharan, butter stealing etc. from the same comes the interesting images of Balram which seem to represent him as the incarnation of Seshnaga.
In olden days Osiya was a very big town. Osiya’s Telivada was situated 3 miles away in Tinvari village, at 6 miles is Pandit ji ki Dhani (small Village which is Pandit pur), at another 6 miles away village Kshatripura, at 24 miles is Lohavat which was place iron smiths colony of Osiya. There were 108 Jain temples in Osiya.
Present Osiya is situated about 40 KM from Jodhpur, Rajasthan. It is connected by road & train with Jodhpur and Pokharan.
Conclusions
The Bhat, Charans and historians have believed Utpaldev as Parmar after seeing his name in Upkesh gachh Pattawali and concluded that he is the founder of Oswal dynasty, just by finding name of Utpaldev in Parmar dynasty it cannot be concluded that Oswals originated from there.
According to poet Rishab Das book (Hari Vijay Sri Ras) Agar Chand Nahata concludes that Oswals originated in 510 by Sri Ratna Suriji.
According to ‘Mahir Stavan’ and ‘Oswal utpati Vratant’ it is Vikram Sanvat 1011 – 15. Dr. Laxmi Mal Singhvi concluded that Oswal originated in 5th century BC. Mr. Bhansali concluded 8th century .Sri Sukh Sampat Raj Bhandari Concludes Vikram Samvat 508.
According to ‘mathuri vachan 2nd’, Skandal Suri (357-360) stated about Mathura resident Oswal Polak who made description on the Tadpatra and gave to various saints there. Which means Oswals were in existence in Mathura before 4th century.
According to Col. Todd hundreds of people of Kshatriya community settled in Osiya gram and were later called Oswals.
Munsi Devi Prasad has written a book “Rajputane ki khoj”. As per that an idol of Lord Mahavira found in Kota while digging and on that name of Bhaisa Shah and V.S. is written, Bhaisa Shah is of Aditya Nag Gotra. Which proves that Oswals were in existence before V.S. 508.
We can conclude that the Mahajans originated in VS 70 and later were called Oswals or they might have been named as oswals in VS 222.
I. Opinion of Jain Acharyas
II. Opinion of Bhats and Charna
III. Opinion of historians
Opinion of Jain Acharyas
According to ‘Upkesh Gachh Pattawali’ Acharya Sri Ratna Prabh Suri did his ‘Chathurmas’ in the Veer Sanwat year 70 at Upkeshpur Pattan and he addressed the king and his people and converted them into Jains. Changing religion is not a big thing but to make a community to follow non-violence from violence was a historical achievement. He preached that Yagya & Havana were all against the Jainism and made all of them mahajan.
New Kingdom of Upkeshpur Pattan (City)
Accordingly to Upkesh Gachh Pattawali, the Raja or King of Srimal Pattan had 2 sons – Utpaldev and Sripunj. One day Utpaldev teased Sripunj, so Sripunj got angry and said, “you are giving me orders as if you have won this kingdom by your own means and power”
Utpaldev immediately realised this and he left the city with his friend Uhad and met Raja Sadhu of Dhelipur (Delhi). With his blessings he built a new city Upkeshpur. As the farming of sugar cane (Ganna) was done on that place, the name of the city was kept as Upkeshpur, which in a short time became famous as Upkeshpur Pattan. The city was about 12 yojans in length and 9 yojans in breadth. Many traders, scholars, Brahmins settled in this new city of Upkeshpur Pattan.
Acharya Ratna Prabh Suri
The city of Raganpur in the state of Vidyadhar was ruled by Raja Mahendra Chud. The queen Mahadevi Laxmi gave birth to a son who was named ‘Ratna Chud Vidhyadhar’. Ratna Chud was a great scholar, very brilliant and had skills in many Vidhyas. One day when he was flying in his ‘Viman’ (plane), it stopped near Mount Abu. On inquiry it was found that Acharya Sri Swamprabh Suri was passing by. Ratna Chud got down from his plane and bowed to the Acharya. From the preaching’s of Acharya he became disciple of Acharya and took ‘Disksha’ in the year Veer Sanwat 52. After getting skilled in various philosophical, intellectual and spiritual rites he became Acharya.
One day Acharya Sri Ratna Prabh Suri was touring near Abu, ‘Chakreshwari Devi’ came and asked Acharya if he could visit Upkeshpur Pattan then the Jain religion could be spread much faster. So the Acharya along with his 500 disciples reached Upkeshpur Pattan.
In Upkeshpur Brahmins were very powerful. They had blessings from the king in doing Havan, yagya etc. So when Acharya came the brahmins did not allow the Acharya to enter the city. So the Acharya and disciples were forced to stay on Lunadri mountain. All saints were under the ritual of ‘Maas Shraman’ (Fasting for a month) so in the evening after evening prayer (Pratikraman) the Acharya ordered to return back in the morning.
At night ‘Chamunda Devi’ came and bowed to Acharya and asked for forgiveness that she had forgotten the message of Chakreshwari Devi because she was busy in dancing. She requested the Acharya that she would create ‘maya’ so that the citizens will welcome Acharya and disciples. However in the morning Acharya announced to his disciples, that saints busy in Ghor Tapasya to stay and the rest to move else where. 465 saints left and 35 remained to continue the fasting and Tapasya.
The daughter, Saubhagya Kumari of Raja Utpaldev got married to Trilok Singh son of the minister Uhad. A snake bite Trilok singh at night when they both were sleeping. So he died. In the morning when the funeral procession was going Chamunda Devi appeared in saints form and told people why they were taking a living man for funeral and disappeared.
Every body discussed and some people told that they had seen similar saints on Lunadri mountain. All went there with the procession, there the Devi again reappeared in saints dress and told that the sadhus have divine powers. If you sprinkle hot water poured on the Acharya toe on the prince body the prince would regain life. This was immediately done and as expected the prince was back to life.
The visit of Acharya Ratna Prabh Suri
The whole city was overjoyed. The Acharya and his disciples were treated with full honour and respect and they entered the city. Crowd was cheering with Jai-Jaikar. Acharya stopped in front of the fort and said to remove luxurious things like carpets etc. than only they can enter. All decoration and luxuries were removed and than Acharya and his disciples entered in the palace. When the king offered jewels etc. to Acharya, he said, “Oh king, we have already left all material things long back and we remain busy in tapasya and prayers to the almighty, we have no pleasures even in seeing these things.“ Everyone was surprised.
When the sermon was given then they found out how better the Jain Religion is. The greater happiness can be found by sacrifice and religious ceremonies. The wealth, prosperity and physical pleasures are worldly desires. They increase sorrow & unhappiness at the end. This road leads to hell. The road to heaven is in sacrifices, donations, Dhyan, meditation etc. Before the birth the child faces 9 months of acute hell. The pain at the time of labor cannot be explained. By the action of sacrifices and meditation all pleasures can be gained.
In the year Veer Sanwat 70 the Acharya did his chaturmas (where Muni stay in a place for 4 months) The Acharya and his disciples broke the fast there and due to his continued preaching and sermons 1500 men and 3000 women became sadhu and Sadhvi and 140,000 people adopted Jainism.
The foundation day of OswalsAccording to Muni Sri Gyan Sunderji the foundation day of Oswals falls on the fourteenth day of Krishna Paksha in the month of Shravan. All Jain-Oswals celebrate this with sacrifice, prayers and meditation.
The KULDEVI of Oswals
The KULDEVI of Oswals is “Maa Jagat Bhawani Sachhiyay Mata”.
There was a big temple of Chamunda Mata in Upkeshpur presently known as Osiya situated near Jodhpur, Rajasthan. The temple was known for chamatkars and therefore everybody prayed to Chamunda Mata. In Navratri buffaloes were butchered. People used to give offerings of flash of buffaloes to please the Devi. The Acharya Shri Ratna Prabh Suri stopped this practice of animal killing. Because of this the goddess got angry and she created pain in the eyes of Sri Acharya. He did not do anything but continued with the suffering, when Devi found out that no reaction has taken place, she was ashamed. She asked forgiveness from the Acharya. Acharya explained that, “You better not allow killing of animals as offering to you, by asking your devotees to offer you flashes of buffaloes or other animals you are doing your own harm. You will have to face all the wrong that are committed in your name, you have been made Goddess because of your good actions but now you will have to face the hell “ The Goddess got enlightened she told Acharya,” from today no more such killings would be allowed in the temple and even red colored flower shall not be offered. I will accept Prasad & Lapsi, my worship will be done by kesar, chandan (Sandal wood) and Dhup (incense sticks). I will be happy as long as people are devoted to lord Mahavira. I will fulfill all the prayers of my devotees.’
Acharya told from today you are Sachhi Mata. From that day Chamunda mata became and known as Sachhiyay Mata.
The Jain Mandir of Lord Mahavira at OsiyaIt is believed and said that Sachhiyay mata was devoted in the Bhakti of lord Mahavira so much so that she decided to build a temple for Lord Mahavira.
The Upkeshpur king had a holy cow. A vary mysterious thing started happening. Everyday in the evening when the cow returns from jungle, she had no milk left. This continued for a while. The person looking after the cows was asked to explain why at particular place cows carried no milk. The shepherd explained that while the cow was roaming in a heightened land the milk flowed out from her automatically in all the four directions, when the milk was finished the cow returned to the herd. Next day also same scene was seen by thousands of people. King Utpal Dev was informed of the incident. Next day the king, the Prime minister & several thousand people gathered and saw the scene. The king narrated the incident to Acharya Sriji and acharya sri ji understood that this was the work of Chamunda Devi. Next day at the auspicious hour, the place was dug up and a deity of lord Mahavira made up of sand was retrieved. In the digging also 9 laks gold coins were also found which were melted and the idol of God Mahavira was covered with gold. Later a temple was built. It is said that the opening Pratistha (the way in which deity is installed) was done by Acharya sriji on Thursday the 5th day of shukla panchami in the year Veer Samvat 70. At the same time Acharya by his Devik powers did Pratistha for another Lord Parshvanath temple in Konarpur, which was miles away from Osiya.
Views/ Philosophy of Bhats and Charans
According to the writing of Bhats and Charans, the Oswal community was founded in year Vikram Sanwat 222. According to historian Mr. Pooran Chand Nahar and Daulat singh Bhati the oswal community came into existence in 222. However Jagga Shah of Abha Nagri made a big procession of Oswals in 222 and Jagga Shah was Oswal. Which means Oswals were in existence even before 222 but they were called Mahajans and not Oswals.
It is believed that before year 222 all Oswals were of Mahajan community. In year 222 there was a big meeting of Mahajans in Khandela (Near Jaipur) in that meeting Mahajans from Osiya (Upkeshpur), Srimal Nagar, Khandela, Pali, Agrova, Pragvat Nagar etc. came and attended. From that day all the Mahajans were named according to their places. Like from Osiya Oswals, from Srimal Srimali, From Khandela Khandelwal, from Pali Palliwal, from Agrova Agarwal and from Pragvat Porwal etc. Therefore in 70 AD Mahajans came in existence and 222 Ad Oswals came in existence.
Historical View
Some of the historians like Sri Pooran Chand Nahar, Dr. Bhandarkar, Agarchand Nahata , Hira Chand Ojha, Jagdish Singh Ghelot, Mohnot, Nensi are of the view that Oswals came in existence during the period between 70 AD and 222 AD.
Dr. Bhandarkar says that Utpaldev once asked for Shelter with Parihar king. The Parihar king gave the permission to re-build Bhelpur Pattan. It is said that shelter which was given is called Oslakiya (means take shelter) which later on was turned as Osiya. This was in 9th century.
According to Sohan Raj Bhansali the Oswals started from 8th century.
Osiya in history
The archeological team found many old samples, statues of olden times in Osiya. In the temple of Osiya there is a deity of Harihar, which is half Shiva & half Vishnu, which is vary ancient. The paintings found in Osiya include Vasudeva with baby Krishna on his head, Krishna fighting with horse, Killing of Putna, Kalidaman, Govardhan dharan, butter stealing etc. from the same comes the interesting images of Balram which seem to represent him as the incarnation of Seshnaga.
In olden days Osiya was a very big town. Osiya’s Telivada was situated 3 miles away in Tinvari village, at 6 miles is Pandit ji ki Dhani (small Village which is Pandit pur), at another 6 miles away village Kshatripura, at 24 miles is Lohavat which was place iron smiths colony of Osiya. There were 108 Jain temples in Osiya.
Present Osiya is situated about 40 KM from Jodhpur, Rajasthan. It is connected by road & train with Jodhpur and Pokharan.
Conclusions
The Bhat, Charans and historians have believed Utpaldev as Parmar after seeing his name in Upkesh gachh Pattawali and concluded that he is the founder of Oswal dynasty, just by finding name of Utpaldev in Parmar dynasty it cannot be concluded that Oswals originated from there.
According to poet Rishab Das book (Hari Vijay Sri Ras) Agar Chand Nahata concludes that Oswals originated in 510 by Sri Ratna Suriji.
According to ‘Mahir Stavan’ and ‘Oswal utpati Vratant’ it is Vikram Sanvat 1011 – 15. Dr. Laxmi Mal Singhvi concluded that Oswal originated in 5th century BC. Mr. Bhansali concluded 8th century .Sri Sukh Sampat Raj Bhandari Concludes Vikram Samvat 508.
According to ‘mathuri vachan 2nd’, Skandal Suri (357-360) stated about Mathura resident Oswal Polak who made description on the Tadpatra and gave to various saints there. Which means Oswals were in existence in Mathura before 4th century.
According to Col. Todd hundreds of people of Kshatriya community settled in Osiya gram and were later called Oswals.
Munsi Devi Prasad has written a book “Rajputane ki khoj”. As per that an idol of Lord Mahavira found in Kota while digging and on that name of Bhaisa Shah and V.S. is written, Bhaisa Shah is of Aditya Nag Gotra. Which proves that Oswals were in existence before V.S. 508.
We can conclude that the Mahajans originated in VS 70 and later were called Oswals or they might have been named as oswals in VS 222.
Origins of Jain Migration into Murshidabad
Origins of Jain Migration into Murshidabad
by Dr. Felix ValyiOrigins of Jain Migration into Murshidabad
Murshidabad, the capital of Bengal after the demise of Mughal rule
was founded by Murshid Quli Khan, the nawab of Bengal from 1704 to
1725, in the early 18th. century . Nawabi rule attracted,
among others, bankers and merchants and foremost among them were the
Rajasthani bankers who came to Murshidabad seeking new fortunes.
The name of the Jagat Seths is known to every Indian as the one of
the most (in)famous names in the recent history of Bengal.
Originally, they came to prominence for the vast wealth they
accumulated as the Nawab's banker (the title Jagat Seth means Banker
to the World). Since Bengal was perhaps the richest subah of the
Mughal Empire, this should not be too surprising: in the early 18th.
centry, even for a decade or two after Aurangazeb's death in 1707,
the Mughal Empire was still strong, revenues were collected and writ
of the Mughal subahdar still meant something. It was only the sack of
Delhi by Nadir Shah and and the subsequent sacking of Delhi by the
Marathas that led to Mughal power being publicly and irrefutably
reduced to a cipher by 1839.
In course of events, Murshid Quli Khan was succeed to the subahdari
of Bengal by Shuja Khan (1725-1739) and then by Alivardi Khan (1740-
1756) and finally by abysmally incompetent Siraj-ud-Daulah (1756-7).
It was during the rule of the latter that matters came to a head with
the British and in the climactic showdown, the then Jagat Seth played
a pivotal and treacherous role together with Siraj's maternal uncle
Mir Jafar, Umichand and Rai Durlabh in the determining the outcome of
the battle of Plassey in 1757. At Plassey, Robert Clive, commanding a
troop of 400 riflemen of the East India Company and with half of
Siraj's army commanded by Jafar and Durlabh in his back pocket,
defeated the ill-organized forces of an utterly debauched and
degenerate young nawab whose only qualification to govern Bengal was
that he was Alivardi Khan's grandson.[1]
This event is widely accepted as the beginning of the British Indian
Empire. The British went on to defeat the Empreror Shah Alam II at
Buxar in 1764 and in 1765 the diwani of Bengal passed away to London
for the annual sum of Rs 2,600,000 to be paid to Delhi by the East
India Company. The traitor Mir Jafar was installed as the Nawab by
the British and ruled as such from 1757 to 1760, when he fell out
with the British and was taken and killed by Mir Kasim Ali, a
relative of Siraj-ud-Daulah.
Treason didn't pay off for the Jagat Seth himself either. Eventually,
he was imprisoned in Monghyr fort by Mir Kasim Ali (1760-1763) who
became Nawab after the traitorous Mir Jafar had fallen from British
grace. The last of the "Jagat" Seths came to his end when he was
rolled off the ramparts of Monghyr Fort into the river. The family of
the Jagat Seth were devout Jains and as they had prospered, they had
performed many of the traditional Jain acts of piety -- culminating
in their role as the trustees of the Jain tirtha at Pareshnath
(Shikharji tirth), which they kept up till long after Plassey (till
the early part of the 19th. century in fact). The family house and
the Jain temple the Jagat Seths built still stand in the village of
Nashipur in Murishdabad.[2]. They and their community of Jains are
known as the Johori Sath as they were orignially jewellers by trade
and had gone into banking much later.[3]
Other Jains came to Murshidabad too, drawn by the promise of trade
and banking for Murshidabad had become the economic center of Bengal -
- silk, muslin, ivory, agriculture all promised good trade and good
trade prmised good banking opportunities. Several families settled in
the twin town of Jiaganj and Azimganj and this became the nucleus of
the Murshidabad Jain community or the Murshidabad Sangh. In course of
time, banking, trade and jagirs and later, zamindaris acquired under
the Permanent Settlement enabled some of these families to become
quite prominent in various acts of Jain piety. The five "heads" of
this community were the Budh Singh Pratap Singh Dugars, the "Azimganj
Raj" Dudhorias, the Nahars, the "Meghraj Mymensingh" Kotharis and the
Nowlakhas (PKD?). At its peak, this community numbered about 100 Jain
households at most, perhaps fewer (PKD?). The Jains of the twin towns
of Jiaganj and Azimganj are known as Sheherwali or the city dwellers
and with the gradual economic devastation of Murshidabad during
British rule, they have mostly moved to Calcutta but retain very
strong connections to Jiaganj and Azimganj.[4]
Murshidabad as a Jain Tirtha Today
Between them, Jiaganj and Azimganj have several temples and the
entire area Jiaganj-Azimganj-Nashipur has come to be known as a
tirth. Pilgrims usually come by bus from Calcutta and stay at the
dharamshala at the Bimalnath Swami Temple in Jiaganj which is the
only place in the area which can accomodate any sizable group of
travellers. The usual itenarary is one day for Jiaganj and Azimganj
Temples and a half day to do the Kathgola Bagan (there is a tiny
dadabari and an Adinath Swami Temple (another picture) in the
complex) and the Nashipur Temple. There used to be some rare ratan
pratimas in the Azimganj Temple -- for security reasons they are no
longer on public display and I am told that they are taken out only
during the major occasions when most of the Sangh is present. The
bhandars of some of these temples are reported to contain quite a
collection of old texts as Murshidabad was for a while a center of
Jain manuscript collectors (all that money and nothing to spend it on
but Baluchari sarees, Jamiwar shawls, an occasional diamond or
emerald (or two), what's a man to do but collect manuscripts and
build temples?).[5].
Today, however, spending more than a couple of days in the area is
strongly inadvisable: after one has done pujas everywhere, ridden
cycle-rickshaws to Kathgola Bagan, Nashipur and to the Hazarduari
Complex (the Nawab's Palace and Mosque are here) and taken a boat
ride on the Bhagirathi to visit Rani Bhabani's lovely terracotta
temple complex, there is nothing left to do.[6]. The economic
devastation of Bengal over the past 300 years is writ large on every
graffiti'd wall, every crumbling mansion and every tottering light
pole in these once glorious towns.[7].
Notes:
[1] Siraj was for many years vilified by British propoganda that he
had condemned 146 Englishmen to death in the notorious Black Hole of
Calcutta -- recent historical opinion is that this was fabricated out
of whole cloth. In light of this more sober opinion, this story is
instructive for it exemplifies how the the British were to
systematically dehumanize the "natives" who would then feel grateful
for the civilized blessings of British rule. Spin-doctoring false
propaganda and utterly shameless hypocrisy are not by any means new
phenomena. However he was a drunkard, an opium addict and a womanizer
and part of the story behind the collapse of Alivardi Khan's house is
that in his youth Siraj had alienated many of Alivardi's courtiers
with rude, arrgant and generally intemperate behavior. He was also
incompetent at organization and a lousy soldier -- rahter he seems to
have taken as his model not the soldierly gandfather he inherited his
seat from but an effete later Mughal courtier whome he resembles in
his portrait.
[2] One story is that the Jagat Seths' made their orignial fortune in
the Jade trade -- in those days green jade from Burma was highly
valued by Mughal courtiers because of the belief that it would
shatter or discolour if poisoned food was served on it. Today, the
nawab's personal dishes are on dsiplay in the Hazarduari Palace
Museum. Apparently, in one such cargo-load, the family found a large
number of shattered pieces of apparently no value -- but being
jewellers, they immediately identified the "valueless" shards as
extraodrinarily large emeralds of exquisite quality and their fortune
was made. Emeralds were highly prized by Mughal rulers and their
courtiers and this find made it quite a bit easier for the Jagat
Seths to cement their connection to the nawabs far more effectively
with appropriate nazarana from time to time.
[3] The original Jagath Seth's kothi ("strong house") was cut away by
the Bhagirathi (soon after Plassey) and legend has it that collapse
of the house revealed the existence of vats with mud coins in them.
Apparently, in order to avoid the greedy eyes of the Nawabs who were
known to be keenly sensitive to public displays of wealth by their
subjects, earlier Jagat Seths had filled these vats with gold and
silver coins and then bricked them up in the walls of their house as
insurance against the viccisitudes of fortune. The gold and silver
are said to have turned to mud as their heirs tried to salvage the
remnants of their ancestral wealth while those who were not of the
Jagat Seths' blood and could get their hands on these vats found gold
and silver in theirs. BTW, in Murshidabad at least, such legends are
common motifs in morality tales of bad (or undeserving or careless or
thoughtless) people getting their just desserts in many different
contexts. I have heard such tales about buried treasure from other
sources too in families other than the Jagat Seth's, so it is hard to
say how much of this is true -- however, the old house definitely was
washed away by the Bhagirathi -- this much is sober fact. Sometimes
white sankes or white owls are said to guard buried treasure in old
houses and to this day, in many a locked up kuthibaDi in Jiaganj and
Azimganj, snakes and owls are left alone, just in case.
[4] Most families still go back several weekends in the year to visit
the family temple(s), eat mangoes and just to sit and hear the jhNi-
jhi-poka (jhNi-jhi is bengali for whine and poka is bengali for
insect) whine away as night descends. As usual the power supply is
erratic, so at best one has a faint electric lamp to read by or else
one can sit on the roof and hear the artati bells ring and then watch
the temple lights go out. After that, the biggest blessing of having
no electricity to speak of is that there is no light pollution, one
can actually see stars -- for Calcuttans that is a rare event.
Eventually, at about 10 pm the streets are dead and one just has
silence -- pure silence that no city in the world can give. Of course
web browsing may be a somewhat more complicated enterprise!
One comes back from Jiaganj and Azimganj having had a glimpse of what
life must have been in those times: life revolved around the gaddi
(the banker's place of business) which was usually located in the
house itself, away from the public rooms as well as the ladies
quarters but close to the master bedroom, or around the mukam
(traders' office). At lunchtime, one would invite whoever was in the
gaddi to join one for lunch, followed by a short nap and then a
couple more hours of transacting business. Then it was time for the
evening puja and dinner. That essentially meant walking a couple of
hundred feet from the house which was built just far enough away from
the temple so that the shadow of the steeple never fell on one's
house. And then there was always the weekend trip to the bagicha or
garden house built in a more isolated area where one could let one's
hair down and party.
[5] There was considerable rivalry between the various families in
terms of bragging rights over acts of piety so that each tried to do
everything else the others did and then go one over. This led various
families to build and endow temples across the length and breadth of
India, to lead Sanghs (this was good for tourism, good for the Sangha
and not incidentally, good for business too -- if one was leading a
Sangh of a few hundred people, one tended to meet maharajas and other
big landlords and rich bankers etc.. so the networking used to be
pretty top flight).
[6] Of course, it is obligatory to make sure that one arranges to eat
the famous chaNaboDa -- a gulab-jamun like sweet but made with pure
cottage cheese which gives it a hard burnt exterior and a drippy
sweet but never undercooked interior -- the trick is to remember the
night one arrives in town to leave instructions that they are to be
brought fresh every morning from Berhampore, one bites ruins you for
life. If there is a sweet that ranks higher thasn chocolate, it must
be Berhampore's chaNaboDas.
[7] Honestly, unless your roots lie there, once you've seen it,
you've got wonder how on earth this place could even have been
compared to London and someone (cite?? -- P. Bothra, conversation,
Jiaganj, 1982) could report that one could walk from one end of
Jiaganj to the other across the rooftops of the great mansions that
lay in between! In addition, under a lax district administration the
laws are enforced poorly, crime is rampant and of late, smuggling
contraband across the bangladesh border seems to be the primary
occupation of choice of local youth. All in all this golden, fertile,
productive land, once the pride of Bengal (which itself was the jewel
in the crown of the Mughal Empire) has been reduced to levels of
moral and economic devastation not seen perhaps in its entire
history: it stands a a monument to the rapacity and devastation of
the East India Company's rule -- its wealth stripped, its industry
destroyed, its people ruined by systematic pillage, neglect and
indifference and in case you think this is hyperbolic exaggeration
check this site out.
Murshidabad, the capital of Bengal after the demise of Mughal rule
was founded by Murshid Quli Khan, the nawab of Bengal from 1704 to
1725, in the early 18th. century . Nawabi rule attracted,
among others, bankers and merchants and foremost among them were the
Rajasthani bankers who came to Murshidabad seeking new fortunes.
The name of the Jagat Seths is known to every Indian as the one of
the most (in)famous names in the recent history of Bengal.
Originally, they came to prominence for the vast wealth they
accumulated as the Nawab's banker (the title Jagat Seth means Banker
to the World). Since Bengal was perhaps the richest subah of the
Mughal Empire, this should not be too surprising: in the early 18th.
centry, even for a decade or two after Aurangazeb's death in 1707,
the Mughal Empire was still strong, revenues were collected and writ
of the Mughal subahdar still meant something. It was only the sack of
Delhi by Nadir Shah and and the subsequent sacking of Delhi by the
Marathas that led to Mughal power being publicly and irrefutably
reduced to a cipher by 1839.
In course of events, Murshid Quli Khan was succeed to the subahdari
of Bengal by Shuja Khan (1725-1739) and then by Alivardi Khan (1740-
1756) and finally by abysmally incompetent Siraj-ud-Daulah (1756-7).
It was during the rule of the latter that matters came to a head with
the British and in the climactic showdown, the then Jagat Seth played
a pivotal and treacherous role together with Siraj's maternal uncle
Mir Jafar, Umichand and Rai Durlabh in the determining the outcome of
the battle of Plassey in 1757. At Plassey, Robert Clive, commanding a
troop of 400 riflemen of the East India Company and with half of
Siraj's army commanded by Jafar and Durlabh in his back pocket,
defeated the ill-organized forces of an utterly debauched and
degenerate young nawab whose only qualification to govern Bengal was
that he was Alivardi Khan's grandson.[1]
This event is widely accepted as the beginning of the British Indian
Empire. The British went on to defeat the Empreror Shah Alam II at
Buxar in 1764 and in 1765 the diwani of Bengal passed away to London
for the annual sum of Rs 2,600,000 to be paid to Delhi by the East
India Company. The traitor Mir Jafar was installed as the Nawab by
the British and ruled as such from 1757 to 1760, when he fell out
with the British and was taken and killed by Mir Kasim Ali, a
relative of Siraj-ud-Daulah.
Treason didn't pay off for the Jagat Seth himself either. Eventually,
he was imprisoned in Monghyr fort by Mir Kasim Ali (1760-1763) who
became Nawab after the traitorous Mir Jafar had fallen from British
grace. The last of the "Jagat" Seths came to his end when he was
rolled off the ramparts of Monghyr Fort into the river. The family of
the Jagat Seth were devout Jains and as they had prospered, they had
performed many of the traditional Jain acts of piety -- culminating
in their role as the trustees of the Jain tirtha at Pareshnath
(Shikharji tirth), which they kept up till long after Plassey (till
the early part of the 19th. century in fact). The family house and
the Jain temple the Jagat Seths built still stand in the village of
Nashipur in Murishdabad.[2]. They and their community of Jains are
known as the Johori Sath as they were orignially jewellers by trade
and had gone into banking much later.[3]
Other Jains came to Murshidabad too, drawn by the promise of trade
and banking for Murshidabad had become the economic center of Bengal -
- silk, muslin, ivory, agriculture all promised good trade and good
trade prmised good banking opportunities. Several families settled in
the twin town of Jiaganj and Azimganj and this became the nucleus of
the Murshidabad Jain community or the Murshidabad Sangh. In course of
time, banking, trade and jagirs and later, zamindaris acquired under
the Permanent Settlement enabled some of these families to become
quite prominent in various acts of Jain piety. The five "heads" of
this community were the Budh Singh Pratap Singh Dugars, the "Azimganj
Raj" Dudhorias, the Nahars, the "Meghraj Mymensingh" Kotharis and the
Nowlakhas (PKD?). At its peak, this community numbered about 100 Jain
households at most, perhaps fewer (PKD?). The Jains of the twin towns
of Jiaganj and Azimganj are known as Sheherwali or the city dwellers
and with the gradual economic devastation of Murshidabad during
British rule, they have mostly moved to Calcutta but retain very
strong connections to Jiaganj and Azimganj.[4]
Murshidabad as a Jain Tirtha Today
Between them, Jiaganj and Azimganj have several temples and the
entire area Jiaganj-Azimganj-Nashipur has come to be known as a
tirth. Pilgrims usually come by bus from Calcutta and stay at the
dharamshala at the Bimalnath Swami Temple in Jiaganj which is the
only place in the area which can accomodate any sizable group of
travellers. The usual itenarary is one day for Jiaganj and Azimganj
Temples and a half day to do the Kathgola Bagan (there is a tiny
dadabari and an Adinath Swami Temple (another picture) in the
complex) and the Nashipur Temple. There used to be some rare ratan
pratimas in the Azimganj Temple -- for security reasons they are no
longer on public display and I am told that they are taken out only
during the major occasions when most of the Sangh is present. The
bhandars of some of these temples are reported to contain quite a
collection of old texts as Murshidabad was for a while a center of
Jain manuscript collectors (all that money and nothing to spend it on
but Baluchari sarees, Jamiwar shawls, an occasional diamond or
emerald (or two), what's a man to do but collect manuscripts and
build temples?).[5].
Today, however, spending more than a couple of days in the area is
strongly inadvisable: after one has done pujas everywhere, ridden
cycle-rickshaws to Kathgola Bagan, Nashipur and to the Hazarduari
Complex (the Nawab's Palace and Mosque are here) and taken a boat
ride on the Bhagirathi to visit Rani Bhabani's lovely terracotta
temple complex, there is nothing left to do.[6]. The economic
devastation of Bengal over the past 300 years is writ large on every
graffiti'd wall, every crumbling mansion and every tottering light
pole in these once glorious towns.[7].
Notes:
[1] Siraj was for many years vilified by British propoganda that he
had condemned 146 Englishmen to death in the notorious Black Hole of
Calcutta -- recent historical opinion is that this was fabricated out
of whole cloth. In light of this more sober opinion, this story is
instructive for it exemplifies how the the British were to
systematically dehumanize the "natives" who would then feel grateful
for the civilized blessings of British rule. Spin-doctoring false
propaganda and utterly shameless hypocrisy are not by any means new
phenomena. However he was a drunkard, an opium addict and a womanizer
and part of the story behind the collapse of Alivardi Khan's house is
that in his youth Siraj had alienated many of Alivardi's courtiers
with rude, arrgant and generally intemperate behavior. He was also
incompetent at organization and a lousy soldier -- rahter he seems to
have taken as his model not the soldierly gandfather he inherited his
seat from but an effete later Mughal courtier whome he resembles in
his portrait.
[2] One story is that the Jagat Seths' made their orignial fortune in
the Jade trade -- in those days green jade from Burma was highly
valued by Mughal courtiers because of the belief that it would
shatter or discolour if poisoned food was served on it. Today, the
nawab's personal dishes are on dsiplay in the Hazarduari Palace
Museum. Apparently, in one such cargo-load, the family found a large
number of shattered pieces of apparently no value -- but being
jewellers, they immediately identified the "valueless" shards as
extraodrinarily large emeralds of exquisite quality and their fortune
was made. Emeralds were highly prized by Mughal rulers and their
courtiers and this find made it quite a bit easier for the Jagat
Seths to cement their connection to the nawabs far more effectively
with appropriate nazarana from time to time.
[3] The original Jagath Seth's kothi ("strong house") was cut away by
the Bhagirathi (soon after Plassey) and legend has it that collapse
of the house revealed the existence of vats with mud coins in them.
Apparently, in order to avoid the greedy eyes of the Nawabs who were
known to be keenly sensitive to public displays of wealth by their
subjects, earlier Jagat Seths had filled these vats with gold and
silver coins and then bricked them up in the walls of their house as
insurance against the viccisitudes of fortune. The gold and silver
are said to have turned to mud as their heirs tried to salvage the
remnants of their ancestral wealth while those who were not of the
Jagat Seths' blood and could get their hands on these vats found gold
and silver in theirs. BTW, in Murshidabad at least, such legends are
common motifs in morality tales of bad (or undeserving or careless or
thoughtless) people getting their just desserts in many different
contexts. I have heard such tales about buried treasure from other
sources too in families other than the Jagat Seth's, so it is hard to
say how much of this is true -- however, the old house definitely was
washed away by the Bhagirathi -- this much is sober fact. Sometimes
white sankes or white owls are said to guard buried treasure in old
houses and to this day, in many a locked up kuthibaDi in Jiaganj and
Azimganj, snakes and owls are left alone, just in case.
[4] Most families still go back several weekends in the year to visit
the family temple(s), eat mangoes and just to sit and hear the jhNi-
jhi-poka (jhNi-jhi is bengali for whine and poka is bengali for
insect) whine away as night descends. As usual the power supply is
erratic, so at best one has a faint electric lamp to read by or else
one can sit on the roof and hear the artati bells ring and then watch
the temple lights go out. After that, the biggest blessing of having
no electricity to speak of is that there is no light pollution, one
can actually see stars -- for Calcuttans that is a rare event.
Eventually, at about 10 pm the streets are dead and one just has
silence -- pure silence that no city in the world can give. Of course
web browsing may be a somewhat more complicated enterprise!
One comes back from Jiaganj and Azimganj having had a glimpse of what
life must have been in those times: life revolved around the gaddi
(the banker's place of business) which was usually located in the
house itself, away from the public rooms as well as the ladies
quarters but close to the master bedroom, or around the mukam
(traders' office). At lunchtime, one would invite whoever was in the
gaddi to join one for lunch, followed by a short nap and then a
couple more hours of transacting business. Then it was time for the
evening puja and dinner. That essentially meant walking a couple of
hundred feet from the house which was built just far enough away from
the temple so that the shadow of the steeple never fell on one's
house. And then there was always the weekend trip to the bagicha or
garden house built in a more isolated area where one could let one's
hair down and party.
[5] There was considerable rivalry between the various families in
terms of bragging rights over acts of piety so that each tried to do
everything else the others did and then go one over. This led various
families to build and endow temples across the length and breadth of
India, to lead Sanghs (this was good for tourism, good for the Sangha
and not incidentally, good for business too -- if one was leading a
Sangh of a few hundred people, one tended to meet maharajas and other
big landlords and rich bankers etc.. so the networking used to be
pretty top flight).
[6] Of course, it is obligatory to make sure that one arranges to eat
the famous chaNaboDa -- a gulab-jamun like sweet but made with pure
cottage cheese which gives it a hard burnt exterior and a drippy
sweet but never undercooked interior -- the trick is to remember the
night one arrives in town to leave instructions that they are to be
brought fresh every morning from Berhampore, one bites ruins you for
life. If there is a sweet that ranks higher thasn chocolate, it must
be Berhampore's chaNaboDas.
[7] Honestly, unless your roots lie there, once you've seen it,
you've got wonder how on earth this place could even have been
compared to London and someone (cite?? -- P. Bothra, conversation,
Jiaganj, 1982) could report that one could walk from one end of
Jiaganj to the other across the rooftops of the great mansions that
lay in between! In addition, under a lax district administration the
laws are enforced poorly, crime is rampant and of late, smuggling
contraband across the bangladesh border seems to be the primary
occupation of choice of local youth. All in all this golden, fertile,
productive land, once the pride of Bengal (which itself was the jewel
in the crown of the Mughal Empire) has been reduced to levels of
moral and economic devastation not seen perhaps in its entire
history: it stands a a monument to the rapacity and devastation of
the East India Company's rule -- its wealth stripped, its industry
destroyed, its people ruined by systematic pillage, neglect and
indifference and in case you think this is hyperbolic exaggeration
check this site out.
Persian Affinities of the Licchavis
Persian Affinities of the Licchavis
By: Prof. Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana, MA, MRAS
In connection with Mr. Vincent A. Smith's very interesting article,
`Tibetan Affinities of the Licchavis,' published ante, Vol.XXXII,
p.233-236, I beg to offer a few observations for consideration. In
the article referred to an attempt has been made to establish the
theory that the Licchavis were a Tibetan tribe, which settled in the
plains during pre-historic times. While admitting the kinship of the
Licchavis with the early Tibetan Kings, I beg to differ from Mr.
V.A.Smith in his main theory as to the origin of the Licchavis. In my
humble opinion the Licchavis were a Persian tribe, whose original
home was Nisibis, which they left for India and Tibet in the 6th
century BC and 4th century BC, respectively.
According to Ptolemy,1 Arrian,2, Strabo,3 and other classical
writers, Nisibis was a most notable town in Aria to the South-East of
the Caspian Sea. Wilson 4 identifies it with the modern town of Nissa
(off Herat) on the north of the Elburz Mountains between Asterabad
and Meshed. Vines5 grew here abundantly and it is traditionally known
to have been the birthplace of the wine-god Dionysos. M. de St.
Martin6 observes that Nisibis must have been of Median or Persian
foundation, for its name is purely Iranian and figures in the
cosmogenic geography of the Zend Avesta, and this observation tallies
well with the account of Arrian, who, in his Indika7 distinctly says
that the Nysaioi (the inhabitants of Nysa or Nisibis) were not an
Indian8 race.
In fact, Nisibis was a part of Persia. It appears to me very probable
that while about 515 BC Darius,9 the King of Persia, sent an
expedition to India, or rather caused the Indus to be explored from
the land of the Pakhtu (Afghans) to its mouth, some of his Persian
subjects in Nisibis (off Herat) immigrated to India, and having found
the Panjab over populated by the orthodox Brahmans, came down as far
as Magadha (Behar) which was at that time largely inhabited by
Vrâtyas10 or outcaste people.
The earliest reference to the people of Nisibis in Indian writings
occurs in the famous Brahmanic Sanskrit work, the Manusamhitâ
(chapter X, verse 12) in which they have been designated as Nicchibi,
which is, no doubt, an Indian form of the Persian word Nisibis. Manu
describes the Nicchibis as Vrâtya-kṣatriyas, or an outcaste royal
race, and names them along with Khasa, Karaṇa and others. In the
Bhaviṣya Purâṇa, Chapter 139, verses 33-65, Nikṣubhâ is d=
escribed as a daughter of the sage Rijiúvâ of the Mihira Gotra or Solar clan, and
under the name of Hâvanî as married to Sûrya, the Sun-god. I imagine
that Nikṣubhâ represents the name of a Persian girl of Nisibis, who
worshipped the sun-god like other members of her race.
In the Indian Pali works they have been called Licchavi or Licchivi,
which is only a softened form of Nicchibi or Nisibis, and have been
mentioned as living in a large number in Vaisâli (in Magadha). That
in the 5th century BC the Licchavis were not yet fully established in
India, is evident from the Mahâparinibbâna Sutta, Chapter I, in which
Ajâtaúatru, the King of Magadha, is found to have been making plans
for their expulsion from his kingdom. But the excellent horse-
carriages and magnificent variegated dresses of the Licchavi youths
and courtezan, Ambapâli, described in Chapter II of the
Mahâparinibbâna Sutta, lead us to suppose that they must have
descended from a civilized race. By the first half of the 4th century
AD the Licchavis became very powerful in India and Nepal. In the
Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudra Gupta (vide Fleet's Corpus
Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol.III, p.16) we find that a Licchavi
princess named Kumâra Devî was married to Chandra Gupta I about 319
AD. "That the Licchavis were then at least of equal rank and power
with the early Guptas is shown by the pride in this alliance
manifested by the latter." Jayadeva I, the first historical member of
the Licchavi tribe, reigned in Nepal AD 330-355 (vide Fleet, p.135).
In the Nepalese records, such as the Vaṁúâvalî, the Licchavis have
been allotted to the Sûrya Vaṁúa or Solar race. As late as about 700 =AD there reigned in the east in Vârendra (North-eastern Bengal) a
king named Siṁha, who sprang from the Licchavi race (vide Lama
Târânâtha's Geschichte des Buddhismus von Shiefner, p.146).
According to Pag-sam-jon-zang, Gyal-rab-sal-wahi-me-long11 and other
Tibetan books, the earliest Kings of Tibet from Nya-thi-tsau-po
downwards belonged to the Li-tsa-byi race. There is, no doubt, that
Li-tsa-byi is only a modified form of Licchavi. The first King of
Tibet was Nya-thi-tsan-po, who was a wanderer from a foreign country.
The exact date of his arrival in Tibet is unknown, but from Deb-ther-
sṅon-po and other Tibetan records it appears that he lived between
the 4th and 1st centuries BC. It is probable that during the
occupation of Sogdiana 12 and the neighbouring places by Alexander
the Great, the Bactrian Greek Kings and subsequently the Scythians
(the Yue-chi) about 150 BC, some Persian people from Nisibis (off
Herat) migrated to Tibet into the Himalayan regions, where they
established a monarchial system of Government on the model of the
Government in Persia.
The Bam-yik variety of the Tibetan alphabet, which is in common use
in Tibet, derived, I suppose, its name from the city of Bamyian (off
Nisibis), which was visited by Hiuen-thsiang in 630 AD, and is now
subject to the Afghans.
The custom of exposing the dead to be devoured by wild animals, as it
prevailed in Vaisâli and is still found in Tibet, was, I believe,
introduced into those countries from Persia by the Licchavi
immigrants. It is hardly necessary to add that the practice of
exposure of the dead is widely followed in Persia and its
dependancies, including Nisibis.
The Bon 13 religion, which preceded Buddhism in Tibet, is said to
have originated from Tajik (Persia). According to Dub-thah-sel-kyi-me-
long, twenty generations of Tibetan Kings from Nya-thi-tsan-po down
to Thi-je-tsan-po followed no other religion than the Bon, which
prevailed in Tibet up to 780 AD, when it was persecuted by King Thi-
srong-de-tsan. The various black arts- such as witchcraft, exorcism,
magic, performance of miracles, sacrifice of animals, etc. in which
the Bon-po priests were skilled - must have been imported from
Nisibis (Persia) by the Magi priests, who accompanied the Licchavis
into Tibet. Sen-rab, who was one of the most prominent Bon-teachers,
had among his spiritual descendants a Persian sage, named Mu-tso-tra-
he-si.
That there was intercourse between Persia and Tibet in the ancient
days, is evident from Kâlidâsa's (Sanskrit) Raghuvaṁsa, Canto IV
(verses 60-81) in which the foreign conquests of Raghu are described.
Raghu after subduing the Pârasîka (Persians), Huna (Huns) and Kamboja
(the inhabitants of the Hindukush mountains, which separate the
Gilgit Valley from Balkh), ascended the Himalayas, where he fought
hard against the mountain tribes called U-tsa-va-saṁ-ketân,14 and
afterwards crossing the Lauhitya (Brahmaputra river), came down to
Prâgjyotiṣa (Assam). This conquest of Raghu is, perhaps, a mere
fiction, but it shows that in the days of Kalidasa, about 500 AD, the
people of India were aware of a route existing between Persia and
India on the one hand and Persia and Tibet on the other.
***
1. McCrindle's Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy, pp.308 and 328.
2. McCrindle's Ancient India Described by Megasthenes and Arrian,
p.179.
3. McCrindle's Ancient India as Described in Classical Literature,
p.93.
4, 5, 6, 7. McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, pp.179-180.
8. It is not definitely known whether this Nisibis is in any way
connected with the famous city of that name in Mesopotamia (on the
borders of Armenia) which rose to importance during the Assyrian
period, continued under the Seleucidae and became the residence of
the Kings of Armenia from 149 BC to 14 AD, being afterwards conquered
by the Romans. It is, however, probable that while Cyrus, the King of
Persia (559 BC-530 BC), was extending his sway up to Chorasmia
(modern Khiva) and Sogdiana (modern Samarkand and Bokhara), a colony
from Nisibis in Mesopotamia was planted in the North of Aria (off
Herat) which, too, thenceforth bore the name of Nisibis (vide.
Encyclopaedia Britannica 9th ed. Vol.XVII and XVIII, articles Nisibis
and Persia).
9. Encycl.Brit., 9th edition, Volume XVIII, p.569.
10. Vide Lâṭyâyana Srauta Sûtra, 8/6. Compare also Rajaram Ramkrishna=
Bhagavat's article named "A Chapter from the Tâṇḍya-Brâhmȧ=
1;a" ... J. of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XIX, of 1895-
97.
11. Compare Alexander Csoma de Koros' Tibetan Grammar, p.194. As
books in Tibet were written long after the intercourse of that
country with India had been opened, the Litsabyi Kings of Tibet are
often mentioned as having originally come from Vaisâli in India. As a
matter of fact the Licchavis of Vaisâli and Tibet are collateral
branches of a Persian race in Nisibis (off Herat).
13. Vide Rai Sarat Chandra Das's article on "The Bon Religion" in the
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1881.
14. Utsavasangketân, according to the Mahâbhârata (Sabhâparva,
Chapter 26 and Bhiṣmaparva, Chapter 9) was the collective name of
seven tribes that inhabited the Himalayas. It is a compound word,
which may be analysed as follows: - u + t + sa + ba + sang + ketân =
u + da-yul + sa-yul + ba-thang + tsang + khotan. In this compound we
discern several well known Tibetan names, such as U - Central Tibet,
Tsang - Western Tibet, Ba - Bathang, etc. Sa-yul, Da-yul and Khotan
were also provinces of Tibet.
From: The Indian Antiquary
Vol.XXXVII (March 1908) p.78-80
12. Encycl. Brit., 9th ed., Vol.XXII, p.246.
In connection with Mr. Vincent A. Smith's very interesting article,
`Tibetan Affinities of the Licchavis,' published ante, Vol.XXXII,
p.233-236, I beg to offer a few observations for consideration. In
the article referred to an attempt has been made to establish the
theory that the Licchavis were a Tibetan tribe, which settled in the
plains during pre-historic times. While admitting the kinship of the
Licchavis with the early Tibetan Kings, I beg to differ from Mr.
V.A.Smith in his main theory as to the origin of the Licchavis. In my
humble opinion the Licchavis were a Persian tribe, whose original
home was Nisibis, which they left for India and Tibet in the 6th
century BC and 4th century BC, respectively.
According to Ptolemy,1 Arrian,2, Strabo,3 and other classical
writers, Nisibis was a most notable town in Aria to the South-East of
the Caspian Sea. Wilson 4 identifies it with the modern town of Nissa
(off Herat) on the north of the Elburz Mountains between Asterabad
and Meshed. Vines5 grew here abundantly and it is traditionally known
to have been the birthplace of the wine-god Dionysos. M. de St.
Martin6 observes that Nisibis must have been of Median or Persian
foundation, for its name is purely Iranian and figures in the
cosmogenic geography of the Zend Avesta, and this observation tallies
well with the account of Arrian, who, in his Indika7 distinctly says
that the Nysaioi (the inhabitants of Nysa or Nisibis) were not an
Indian8 race.
In fact, Nisibis was a part of Persia. It appears to me very probable
that while about 515 BC Darius,9 the King of Persia, sent an
expedition to India, or rather caused the Indus to be explored from
the land of the Pakhtu (Afghans) to its mouth, some of his Persian
subjects in Nisibis (off Herat) immigrated to India, and having found
the Panjab over populated by the orthodox Brahmans, came down as far
as Magadha (Behar) which was at that time largely inhabited by
Vrâtyas10 or outcaste people.
The earliest reference to the people of Nisibis in Indian writings
occurs in the famous Brahmanic Sanskrit work, the Manusamhitâ
(chapter X, verse 12) in which they have been designated as Nicchibi,
which is, no doubt, an Indian form of the Persian word Nisibis. Manu
describes the Nicchibis as Vrâtya-kṣatriyas, or an outcaste royal
race, and names them along with Khasa, Karaṇa and others. In the
Bhaviṣya Purâṇa, Chapter 139, verses 33-65, Nikṣubhâ is d=
escribed as a daughter of the sage Rijiúvâ of the Mihira Gotra or Solar clan, and
under the name of Hâvanî as married to Sûrya, the Sun-god. I imagine
that Nikṣubhâ represents the name of a Persian girl of Nisibis, who
worshipped the sun-god like other members of her race.
In the Indian Pali works they have been called Licchavi or Licchivi,
which is only a softened form of Nicchibi or Nisibis, and have been
mentioned as living in a large number in Vaisâli (in Magadha). That
in the 5th century BC the Licchavis were not yet fully established in
India, is evident from the Mahâparinibbâna Sutta, Chapter I, in which
Ajâtaúatru, the King of Magadha, is found to have been making plans
for their expulsion from his kingdom. But the excellent horse-
carriages and magnificent variegated dresses of the Licchavi youths
and courtezan, Ambapâli, described in Chapter II of the
Mahâparinibbâna Sutta, lead us to suppose that they must have
descended from a civilized race. By the first half of the 4th century
AD the Licchavis became very powerful in India and Nepal. In the
Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudra Gupta (vide Fleet's Corpus
Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol.III, p.16) we find that a Licchavi
princess named Kumâra Devî was married to Chandra Gupta I about 319
AD. "That the Licchavis were then at least of equal rank and power
with the early Guptas is shown by the pride in this alliance
manifested by the latter." Jayadeva I, the first historical member of
the Licchavi tribe, reigned in Nepal AD 330-355 (vide Fleet, p.135).
In the Nepalese records, such as the Vaṁúâvalî, the Licchavis have
been allotted to the Sûrya Vaṁúa or Solar race. As late as about 700 =AD there reigned in the east in Vârendra (North-eastern Bengal) a
king named Siṁha, who sprang from the Licchavi race (vide Lama
Târânâtha's Geschichte des Buddhismus von Shiefner, p.146).
According to Pag-sam-jon-zang, Gyal-rab-sal-wahi-me-long11 and other
Tibetan books, the earliest Kings of Tibet from Nya-thi-tsau-po
downwards belonged to the Li-tsa-byi race. There is, no doubt, that
Li-tsa-byi is only a modified form of Licchavi. The first King of
Tibet was Nya-thi-tsan-po, who was a wanderer from a foreign country.
The exact date of his arrival in Tibet is unknown, but from Deb-ther-
sṅon-po and other Tibetan records it appears that he lived between
the 4th and 1st centuries BC. It is probable that during the
occupation of Sogdiana 12 and the neighbouring places by Alexander
the Great, the Bactrian Greek Kings and subsequently the Scythians
(the Yue-chi) about 150 BC, some Persian people from Nisibis (off
Herat) migrated to Tibet into the Himalayan regions, where they
established a monarchial system of Government on the model of the
Government in Persia.
The Bam-yik variety of the Tibetan alphabet, which is in common use
in Tibet, derived, I suppose, its name from the city of Bamyian (off
Nisibis), which was visited by Hiuen-thsiang in 630 AD, and is now
subject to the Afghans.
The custom of exposing the dead to be devoured by wild animals, as it
prevailed in Vaisâli and is still found in Tibet, was, I believe,
introduced into those countries from Persia by the Licchavi
immigrants. It is hardly necessary to add that the practice of
exposure of the dead is widely followed in Persia and its
dependancies, including Nisibis.
The Bon 13 religion, which preceded Buddhism in Tibet, is said to
have originated from Tajik (Persia). According to Dub-thah-sel-kyi-me-
long, twenty generations of Tibetan Kings from Nya-thi-tsan-po down
to Thi-je-tsan-po followed no other religion than the Bon, which
prevailed in Tibet up to 780 AD, when it was persecuted by King Thi-
srong-de-tsan. The various black arts- such as witchcraft, exorcism,
magic, performance of miracles, sacrifice of animals, etc. in which
the Bon-po priests were skilled - must have been imported from
Nisibis (Persia) by the Magi priests, who accompanied the Licchavis
into Tibet. Sen-rab, who was one of the most prominent Bon-teachers,
had among his spiritual descendants a Persian sage, named Mu-tso-tra-
he-si.
That there was intercourse between Persia and Tibet in the ancient
days, is evident from Kâlidâsa's (Sanskrit) Raghuvaṁsa, Canto IV
(verses 60-81) in which the foreign conquests of Raghu are described.
Raghu after subduing the Pârasîka (Persians), Huna (Huns) and Kamboja
(the inhabitants of the Hindukush mountains, which separate the
Gilgit Valley from Balkh), ascended the Himalayas, where he fought
hard against the mountain tribes called U-tsa-va-saṁ-ketân,14 and
afterwards crossing the Lauhitya (Brahmaputra river), came down to
Prâgjyotiṣa (Assam). This conquest of Raghu is, perhaps, a mere
fiction, but it shows that in the days of Kalidasa, about 500 AD, the
people of India were aware of a route existing between Persia and
India on the one hand and Persia and Tibet on the other.
***
1. McCrindle's Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy, pp.308 and 328.
2. McCrindle's Ancient India Described by Megasthenes and Arrian,
p.179.
3. McCrindle's Ancient India as Described in Classical Literature,
p.93.
4, 5, 6, 7. McCrindle's Megasthenes and Arrian, pp.179-180.
8. It is not definitely known whether this Nisibis is in any way
connected with the famous city of that name in Mesopotamia (on the
borders of Armenia) which rose to importance during the Assyrian
period, continued under the Seleucidae and became the residence of
the Kings of Armenia from 149 BC to 14 AD, being afterwards conquered
by the Romans. It is, however, probable that while Cyrus, the King of
Persia (559 BC-530 BC), was extending his sway up to Chorasmia
(modern Khiva) and Sogdiana (modern Samarkand and Bokhara), a colony
from Nisibis in Mesopotamia was planted in the North of Aria (off
Herat) which, too, thenceforth bore the name of Nisibis (vide.
Encyclopaedia Britannica 9th ed. Vol.XVII and XVIII, articles Nisibis
and Persia).
9. Encycl.Brit., 9th edition, Volume XVIII, p.569.
10. Vide Lâṭyâyana Srauta Sûtra, 8/6. Compare also Rajaram Ramkrishna=
Bhagavat's article named "A Chapter from the Tâṇḍya-Brâhmȧ=
1;a" ... J. of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XIX, of 1895-
97.
11. Compare Alexander Csoma de Koros' Tibetan Grammar, p.194. As
books in Tibet were written long after the intercourse of that
country with India had been opened, the Litsabyi Kings of Tibet are
often mentioned as having originally come from Vaisâli in India. As a
matter of fact the Licchavis of Vaisâli and Tibet are collateral
branches of a Persian race in Nisibis (off Herat).
13. Vide Rai Sarat Chandra Das's article on "The Bon Religion" in the
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1881.
14. Utsavasangketân, according to the Mahâbhârata (Sabhâparva,
Chapter 26 and Bhiṣmaparva, Chapter 9) was the collective name of
seven tribes that inhabited the Himalayas. It is a compound word,
which may be analysed as follows: - u + t + sa + ba + sang + ketân =
u + da-yul + sa-yul + ba-thang + tsang + khotan. In this compound we
discern several well known Tibetan names, such as U - Central Tibet,
Tsang - Western Tibet, Ba - Bathang, etc. Sa-yul, Da-yul and Khotan
were also provinces of Tibet.
From: The Indian Antiquary
Vol.XXXVII (March 1908) p.78-80
12. Encycl. Brit., 9th ed., Vol.XXII, p.246.
Recent Conversions to Jainism
Recent Conversions to Jainism
By Mahavir Sanglikar
We know much about people, especially Dalits converting to Buddhism, but most of us are unaware of recent conversions to Jainism, another ancient religion of Shramanic origin. We do not know much about such conversion as Jain monks do not want to give much prominence to conversion News. Instead, they have concentrated on attracting people to Jainism, and teaching them the Jain way of life. They do not care much about whether these new converts call themselves Jain or not, but their sole aim is to spread Jain ethics and practices amongst the converts. It is their strategy as the monks know that the converts will get benefits of practicing the Jain way of life in short period, and Jainism will get benefits of numerical strength in near future.
These conversions are going on in two ways:
a. converting common people to Jainism as a layman, on personal level and also in mass conversions.
b. Initiating desirous non Jains in Jain monk order.
It is interesting that many of the great Jain monks and their heads are basically from non-Jain families. I would like to mention some names of such great Jain monks, ascetics and spiritual persons, who were born in non-Jain families here:Acharya Atmaramji (from Punjabi Khatri Family), ShriMad Raaychandra (Gujarati Vaishnavite), Muni Buteraay (Jaat), Muni Mayaram (Jaat), Baba Bhagirath Varni(Jaat), Acharya Vijay Indra Dinn Suri (Tribal/Adivasi), Anant Punya Maharaj(Rajsthani Meghwal Dalit), Vishuddh Ratna Sagar (A Dalit from Maharashtra), Acharay Sushilmuni (Punjabi Brahmin), All these belong to recent time.
There were mass conversions to Jainism in last few decades of 20th century.Here are some of the social groups (castes) from which the conversions took place.
These conversions are going on in two ways:
a. converting common people to Jainism as a layman, on personal level and also in mass conversions.
b. Initiating desirous non Jains in Jain monk order.
It is interesting that many of the great Jain monks and their heads are basically from non-Jain families. I would like to mention some names of such great Jain monks, ascetics and spiritual persons, who were born in non-Jain families here:Acharya Atmaramji (from Punjabi Khatri Family), ShriMad Raaychandra (Gujarati Vaishnavite), Muni Buteraay (Jaat), Muni Mayaram (Jaat), Baba Bhagirath Varni(Jaat), Acharya Vijay Indra Dinn Suri (Tribal/Adivasi), Anant Punya Maharaj(Rajsthani Meghwal Dalit), Vishuddh Ratna Sagar (A Dalit from Maharashtra), Acharay Sushilmuni (Punjabi Brahmin), All these belong to recent time.
There were mass conversions to Jainism in last few decades of 20th century.Here are some of the social groups (castes) from which the conversions took place.
Parmars
Parmars are adivasis (Tribals) of Panchmahal and other districts in Gujarat. They were converted to Jainism by Acharya Vijay Indra Dinna Suri. The Acharya himself was from this community. Parmars are about half a million in number. The Parmars were followers of Jainism in ancient time, but after revival of Bramhinism they had to take shelter of Jungles, and were not in touch of mainstream Jains. Now they are known as Parmar Kshatriya Jains. Please read Adivasi Conversion To Jainism for a detailed information on their conversions.
Dharmpals
Dharmpals were untouchable Balai Hindus of Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. They were converted to Jainism by Acharaya Nanalal Maharaj. They are about 2 Lakhs in number.
Veervals
They were Khatiks (butchers) of Madhya Pradesh. About 1 lakh Khatiks became Jain. They were names as Veervals. Recently they had an Akhil Bhartiya Veerval Jain Sammelan at Secunderabad, A.P.
Saraks
They were originally Jains belonging to the ancient tradition of Jainism, but were away from Mainstream. Upadhyay Gyan Sagar Maharaj brought a large population of them to mainstream. The population of Saraks is about1.5 million. They are spread in Jharkhand, Bihar,Orissa and West Bengal.
Patidars
A large number of Patidars in Gujarat have adopted Jainism Jainism in 20th century. This conversion took place mainly because of Shrimad Rajchandra, Kanaji Swami and Dada Bhagwan.
Namdhari Gowdas
In South Karnataka, thousands of Namdhari Gowdas are getting converted to Jainism. These people were Jains in past, but had converted to Vaishnavism. But now they are returning to their original religion.
Neo Jains in West
Many people in North America and Europe have adopted Jainism in recent years.
There are also many other small groups all over India. Beside that a large number of people follow Jainism who are not in the mainstream.
The History Of Jain Community In East Africa
The History Of Jain Community In East Africa
At the turn of this century Jains from Gujarat emigrated first to Kenya, and then later on to Uganda and Tanzania. To this day we will find Jains Schools, Jains hospitals and Jain community centers in major cities throughout East Africa. It was the pioneering efforts of early Jains, their tremendous spirit and co-operation, which enables such a tremendous success of the community both materially and spiritually. It is often said that we rarely learn from the lesson of history or that, as times move on, we forget the virtue of our forefathers. We are therefore excited to report on an interesting development in our history. The effort of the pioneers in East Africa have not only been sustained , but that history has been transported to a new continent, this time to Australia. Ever since Asians were kicked out of Uganda in 1972,there has been concern in East Africa that the future for Asians living in these countries is risky. As a result there has been a steady flow of migration away from East Africa. Some of the early pioneers of this migration were Mr. Kanti Shah, Mr. Ramesh Shah and Aniket Shah, who tired to attract people to go to Australia. Among the people who decided to migrate to Australia were Mr. Amu and Mr. Neeta Vaghji Nangpar Shah, who went to Perth in 1994. Mr. Vaghji Nangpar Shah is a great pioneer of Jain Heritage. He single handedly establish the Aradhna Dham near Jamanagar, Gujarat. Amu set up in business in Perth and at the same time begin to help other Kenyans and Jains who were emigrating to Perth. He would help them with setting up in business, finding jobs, home and schools for the children there. Very soon a community was created out of scratch. Perth is a beautiful costal city with warm weather throughout the year, plenty of beaches and greenery - a paradise in many ways.
In 1994 some 10 families had settled in Perth, and in 1995 this number had gone to 30 families. Dr. Paresh Mehta was instrumental in setting up regular satsangs at a community center ,and at the end of each meeting, the Jain women provide a delicious vegetarian dinner for the whole community. There were initial difficulties , but these were tackled by the mutual support and the community spirit. In fact ,many Jains living in Perth, today said their transition were very smooth, and they do not feel that it has been a struggle. The children were settled very well in the schools. Mr. Amu Shah predict that another 15 families will migrate there this year and Perth is destined to become an important Jain city. In addition, there are 20 overseas Jain students in Perth, and more coming each year, who are also in close touch with the local community.
The Jains from East Africa were able to migrate to a new continent and settle down very comfortably without losing much of their community spirit. Instead they enhanced this spirit once in Australia. History repeated itself as Amu and Neeta were the second generation East Africans who were born and raised in East Africa. They learned from the values of their parents and reinvigorated these values in a new environment . This suggest that their is a great hope for the future of Jainism - its ancient history can be transported in the future through our efforts. It is good to see Jains rise to the challenge.
In 1994 some 10 families had settled in Perth, and in 1995 this number had gone to 30 families. Dr. Paresh Mehta was instrumental in setting up regular satsangs at a community center ,and at the end of each meeting, the Jain women provide a delicious vegetarian dinner for the whole community. There were initial difficulties , but these were tackled by the mutual support and the community spirit. In fact ,many Jains living in Perth, today said their transition were very smooth, and they do not feel that it has been a struggle. The children were settled very well in the schools. Mr. Amu Shah predict that another 15 families will migrate there this year and Perth is destined to become an important Jain city. In addition, there are 20 overseas Jain students in Perth, and more coming each year, who are also in close touch with the local community.
The Jains from East Africa were able to migrate to a new continent and settle down very comfortably without losing much of their community spirit. Instead they enhanced this spirit once in Australia. History repeated itself as Amu and Neeta were the second generation East Africans who were born and raised in East Africa. They learned from the values of their parents and reinvigorated these values in a new environment . This suggest that their is a great hope for the future of Jainism - its ancient history can be transported in the future through our efforts. It is good to see Jains rise to the challenge.
The Jain Community of Present Days
The Jain Community of Present Days
Mr. Lothar Clermont,Thomas Dix & Dilip Surana
The Sangha
Among the Jains, the community of followers is divided into the ordained (monks and nuns) and a vast multitude of lay followers these two groups have always been closely associated with one another. By convention, the lay following in Gujarat and Rajasthan supervises the selection, training and conduct of the ascetics. Their morals strictly watched and even the slightest cause for complaint results in their expulsion from the class of the ordained. Sometimes their background is investigated and often the executive committee of the lay following rejects unworthy applicants for the selection of abbots This supervision, however, extends only to those monks belonging to one's own sect, reminding one a little of the Free church of Scotland.
Monks and nuns
There is a fundamental difference in the concept of monk hood as understood by the Europeans and the Jains. The west associates this concept with the idea of a settled existence which binds one to a community, whereas the Jains associate with it the idea of eternal wandering from place to place, with no permanent residence.
Consequently, Monks and nuns, who take their vows seriously and through their ascetic achieve liberation or, moksha, are thus the ideal for the community and consequently very highly respected. Since they are compelled to lead the lives of homeless wanderers, certain social obligations, which in the West identified with religious orders, lay people for example, performed the responsibility of running hospitals and schools.
To become a monk it is necessary to take five great vows': not to kill, not to lie, not to steal, the vow of chastity, and renunciation of property. The vow not to steal implies the renunciation of everything that is not essential for survival. In some extreme cases, this may mean that a monk will, sleep huddled and doubled up on the floor to occupy an area less than the length of his body. Renunciation of property also means not becoming attached to things and places. Consequently, the monk has to be permanently on the move. Originally, Mahavira had permitted monks a rest period of only a day in a village and five days in a city. Later, this extended to one week and one month, respectively, it is for this reason that Jain communities have constructed lodging and community halls at several places. These are very often the focus of community activity. The monks and nuns use these community centres for delivering their Sermons and seek to promote morality among the lay-followers. For this, they are shown extraordinary gratitude and reverence in the form of the ritualistic washing of the feet or through prostration. The vow not to lie, is to mean the matching of words with deeds.
The life of the homeless ascetic is extremely hard for he has to dispense with the comforts of life such as a soft bed or a bath. The ascetic leads a regulated life, day divided into four equal parts for preaching, self-study, meditation and collecting alms.
The monk is to wake up around 4.00 am and after performing ablutions to reflect on any transgressions he may have committed the previous night. At the break of day, he inspects his body, clothes and his place of rest for insects, in order to remove them to a place of safety. After this, he preaches and studies. He cannot begin his tour for alms before 10.00 in the morning. Even this activity governed by strict rules; the donor must not be the same person who provided the monk shelter for the night, the food should not have been prepared especially for the monk, and it should neither be taken nor be bought for the monk. He must eat before sunset, since after nightfall there is a danger through oversight of swallowing tiny living beings. At 3.00 pm, the clothes and body again inspected for animals. No light can be brought into lodging as this too may injure the insects. After nightfall, the monk has to concentrate on meditation or the recitation of mantras.
Apart from this code of conduct, monks often take an additional vow, mostly with regard to fasting, which has developed into a complete system by itself, lasting ranges from the renunciation of certain foodstuffs to a total rejection of food. Several monks are capable of setting records, for example, in 1923, ascetic Sundarlalji fasted for eighty-one days.
Within the community of monks, the monk rises to various ranks, from muni (monk) to Vachaka (instructor) Upadhyaya (instructor) and Acharya (master). In most cases, the lay people celebrate the necessary ceremony as a festival.
Earlier, the goal of every monk was to die through self-starvation on a mountain after twelve years of practicing asceticism. Today this is hardly the case. However, it is quite common to refuse food in the case of an incurable disease or in the face of death.
The entire community comprising of the ordained and lay followers select the candidates for asceticism. Only those found with a morally unblemished character and pure in body accepted into this spiritual class. Provided these criteria are met, one can join from the age of seven-and-a-half years. For three years, one remains a brahmachari during which stage one may keep a tuft of hair and only take some of the vows of self-discipline, following this, the ascetic reaches the next, higher stage of kshullaka. At this stage, he must undertake the vows and begin the study of the scriptures.
The performance of the Pravrajya ceremony marks the initiation of a fully ordained monk. This ceremony includes the discarding of clothes, the handing over of the dhoti, the mouth cloth, the alms bowl, broom and stall to the monk. Finally, to tear out the last five tufts of hair from their roots, and this is extremely painful. This lengthy ceremony (which lasts for a month) is as magnificent as it is expensive For example, the candidate once again returns to the world bedecked with jewels, and these jewels then auctioned at the end of the ceremony. The cost of the ceremony is borne by the family of the prospective monk, or if this is not possible, by the entire community.
The ordination is a matter of honour for the family who may also use it for the purposes of publicity. Since the Jains are often very rich, the ordaining of a person from such a family is cause for an extended celebration lasting for days. In the first chapter of her book, A River Sutra, Gita Mehta has described the ordaining of the son of a millionaire jeweller beginning with the crisis in the life of the young man, she weaves in the conflicts arising in the family over the son's resolve to renounce the world. Despite this, the event is utilised to publicise the family's wealth, at the same time it reflects the family's desire of being admired.
The lay followersThe principle of not killing any living being is also enjoined on the non-ordained as the highest ideal. Therefore, from very early on, the choice of profession for the Jains was restricted. They are normally not soldiers, nor are they farmers since the ploughing of the field would inevitably result in the death of the smaller living beings. Until recently, the Jains could not study medicine since religious reasons forbade them to dissect. Consequently, the professions typical of them are banking, money lending and especially, the jewellery business in the modern world with its traffic system; it is no longer possible entirely to protect animals. The Jains have managed to reconcile this state of affairs due to their sense of pragmatism: since they cannot, as lay followers, ever achieve moksha. They prefer to let the ascetics achieve completion and perfection by strictly observing the vows taken by them rather than seeking to realise these themselves.
Since all life is regarded as sacred and inviolable, the Jains are in principle vegetarians. For improving their karma they feed rats, snakes and ants. In Bombay, there is a man who is earning his livelihood by being carried through the Streets on a bed - as food for the bugs. For Europeans the animal hospitals run by the Jains are strange: it is not only animals suffering from a disease which are brought here but also those which were sought to be saved, perhaps from slaughter, and were so purchased in the market or even directly from the butcher before the deed was committed . In 1875, there were three hundred and ninety-five cows and buffaloes, four blind calves, eight hundred and ninety-four goats, twenty horses, seven cats, two monkeys, two hundred and seventy-four hens, two hundred and ninety ducks, two thousand doves, fifty parrots, twenty-five sparrows and thirty-eight other birds in the animal hospital in Ahmedabad. Some of these hospitals even maintain insectariums where insects brought in before the monsoon, so they can be safe. A certain number of them then kept in one room and the room closed for about ten years, since it assumed that all life would have gone out by then.
Devout Jains are involved in minimising the influx of negative karma and in maximising the inflow of positive karma. They seek to achieve this goal by practicing great self-discipline and by avoiding all kinds of excesses, such as unnecessary travel, useless or sinful speech and the excessive expansion of commerce and business. Instead, they restrict themselves to their residential areas, eat moderately and are charitable. All this activity, including the decision to fast totally, achieved through repeatedly making vows to this effect.
A famous method of fasting, which obviously leads to achievements, which could set records, is to fast on one day, then to take one meal, fast the next two days and have a meal on the following day, then fast for the next three days etc. Having reached the limits of one's physical endurance, one should reverse the process to break the fast gradually. In recent times, a woman has succeeded in stretching the period of fasting and of gradually bringing it to thirty days. For this, she required a total of sixteen months.
Lay people can take the 'five small vows' as opposed to the five great vows' of the monks. This means renunciation of certain foodstuffs such as meat, honey, pumpkins, potatoes, onions, garlic, carrots, since according to the Jain religion several souls inhabit this foodstuff. Drinking water must be strained and boiled, and after sunset, nothing should be eaten.
Jainism, like all other Asian religions, lays a lot of stress on meditation. A conscious Jain meditates at least once daily for forty-eight minutes, and there are some who meditate two or three times in a day. The prerequisite for successful meditation is indifference towards everything worldly, neutrality, and being kindly disposed towards all living beings.
In addition to these activities, which presume self-discipline and control, the devout Jain imposes on himself six necessary duties daily. These include the glorification of the Tirthankaras, daily worship at the temple, the taking of a vow, revering one's guru, maintaining one particular posture and making a confession. The confession plays an important role in the worship. It can either be reeled off as a list of sins or take the form of an auricular confession made to the guru or monk.
An enormous amount of self-discipline is required to put into practice these vows and restrictions. This self-discipline is the basis of the Jain religion. Since no deity intervenes and the purging of the karma depends on the individual's effort, it clearly means an extremely difficult and thorny path has to be trodden by the individual. A European misses the Joie de vivre a little. This the Jains, like all other people, undoubtedly acquire along the way but the religion itself does not expressly mention it.
Certain social achievements deserve admiration. In contrast to the Hindu milieu, the widows, for example, enjoy a better and unproblematic status. If a marriage is in the offing and the family is too poor to bear the expenditure, the burden is shared by the entire community. In addition, the Jains finance the education of a student from a common fund: students receive a stipend, money for books, and personal necessities, and live in the Jain hostels in big cities. In return, the students have to keep the community informed of their progress and have to attend the class on religion daily. It is, therefore, not surprising that the Jain community is particularly well educated and cultured. This is yet another reason, in addition to their affluence, why Jains are often envied and resented.
Rituals accompanying life
The adaptation of certain ideas from Hinduism has resulted in the Jains having to perform innumerable rituals; a few are briefly mentioned here.
Five months into the pregnancy, the prospective mother is blessed with holy water to the accompaniment of the recitation of mantras in the Garbhadhana ceremony (the laying of the fruit of the womb) performed for the happiness and prosperity of the child.
Three months later, in a similar ceremony, prayers held for the birth of a boy. Soon after the birth, the horoscope is drawn up, which is very important for every Indian. In addition, mantras (devotional incantation) are recited to Ambika (refer to the chapter on Mt. Abu for the significance of this goddess)
On the third day the infant is, shown the sun during the day and the moon at night for the first time.
Within a month of the birth, mother and child cleansed of the impurities accompanying the birth in a ceremonial bath. A few days later, the child named either by the parents or a particularly respected family member or by a highly revered guru.
Sometime between the age of one and five, the child's hair is shorn off ceremoniously and the hair is either consecrated to a deity or buried in a temple.
If a Jain is devout or reveres a particular guru, he can become a member of the following through the performance of the Samana ceremony especially for this purpose. Although practically every family has its own traditional guru, yet the choice is of the individual. He can make decision at any time, once the individual concerned attains majority and provided he feels the need for it.
The marriage customs too are very similar to those of the Hindus. These include the long drawn out process of the parents selecting the partner by means of horoscopes and initiating inquiries. Another example is the Circumambulation of the holy fire and the tying together of the hands of both partners with a string.
We have already seen how important it is for the Jains to take vows, so after the marriage the couple should promise before a monk to refrain from doing certain things for a certain period of time, and if possible for their whole lives.
Even the last rites are similar to those of the Hindus the corpse is cremated and the ashes scattered in the river. The only difference is that the pile of wooden logs are on a small base made of stone or metal so as not to injure any living beings when the wooden logs are set ablaze.
This very brief overview of the rites of passage is necessarily of a general nature, i.e. the rites mentioned here may differ from region to region and sect to sect. Naturally, the degree of devoutness, the fact whether a family is conservative or liberal as well as the level of education play as decisive a role here as in Europe.
The Sangha
Among the Jains, the community of followers is divided into the ordained (monks and nuns) and a vast multitude of lay followers these two groups have always been closely associated with one another. By convention, the lay following in Gujarat and Rajasthan supervises the selection, training and conduct of the ascetics. Their morals strictly watched and even the slightest cause for complaint results in their expulsion from the class of the ordained. Sometimes their background is investigated and often the executive committee of the lay following rejects unworthy applicants for the selection of abbots This supervision, however, extends only to those monks belonging to one's own sect, reminding one a little of the Free church of Scotland.
Monks and nuns
There is a fundamental difference in the concept of monk hood as understood by the Europeans and the Jains. The west associates this concept with the idea of a settled existence which binds one to a community, whereas the Jains associate with it the idea of eternal wandering from place to place, with no permanent residence.
Consequently, Monks and nuns, who take their vows seriously and through their ascetic achieve liberation or, moksha, are thus the ideal for the community and consequently very highly respected. Since they are compelled to lead the lives of homeless wanderers, certain social obligations, which in the West identified with religious orders, lay people for example, performed the responsibility of running hospitals and schools.
To become a monk it is necessary to take five great vows': not to kill, not to lie, not to steal, the vow of chastity, and renunciation of property. The vow not to steal implies the renunciation of everything that is not essential for survival. In some extreme cases, this may mean that a monk will, sleep huddled and doubled up on the floor to occupy an area less than the length of his body. Renunciation of property also means not becoming attached to things and places. Consequently, the monk has to be permanently on the move. Originally, Mahavira had permitted monks a rest period of only a day in a village and five days in a city. Later, this extended to one week and one month, respectively, it is for this reason that Jain communities have constructed lodging and community halls at several places. These are very often the focus of community activity. The monks and nuns use these community centres for delivering their Sermons and seek to promote morality among the lay-followers. For this, they are shown extraordinary gratitude and reverence in the form of the ritualistic washing of the feet or through prostration. The vow not to lie, is to mean the matching of words with deeds.
The life of the homeless ascetic is extremely hard for he has to dispense with the comforts of life such as a soft bed or a bath. The ascetic leads a regulated life, day divided into four equal parts for preaching, self-study, meditation and collecting alms.
The monk is to wake up around 4.00 am and after performing ablutions to reflect on any transgressions he may have committed the previous night. At the break of day, he inspects his body, clothes and his place of rest for insects, in order to remove them to a place of safety. After this, he preaches and studies. He cannot begin his tour for alms before 10.00 in the morning. Even this activity governed by strict rules; the donor must not be the same person who provided the monk shelter for the night, the food should not have been prepared especially for the monk, and it should neither be taken nor be bought for the monk. He must eat before sunset, since after nightfall there is a danger through oversight of swallowing tiny living beings. At 3.00 pm, the clothes and body again inspected for animals. No light can be brought into lodging as this too may injure the insects. After nightfall, the monk has to concentrate on meditation or the recitation of mantras.
Apart from this code of conduct, monks often take an additional vow, mostly with regard to fasting, which has developed into a complete system by itself, lasting ranges from the renunciation of certain foodstuffs to a total rejection of food. Several monks are capable of setting records, for example, in 1923, ascetic Sundarlalji fasted for eighty-one days.
Within the community of monks, the monk rises to various ranks, from muni (monk) to Vachaka (instructor) Upadhyaya (instructor) and Acharya (master). In most cases, the lay people celebrate the necessary ceremony as a festival.
Earlier, the goal of every monk was to die through self-starvation on a mountain after twelve years of practicing asceticism. Today this is hardly the case. However, it is quite common to refuse food in the case of an incurable disease or in the face of death.
The entire community comprising of the ordained and lay followers select the candidates for asceticism. Only those found with a morally unblemished character and pure in body accepted into this spiritual class. Provided these criteria are met, one can join from the age of seven-and-a-half years. For three years, one remains a brahmachari during which stage one may keep a tuft of hair and only take some of the vows of self-discipline, following this, the ascetic reaches the next, higher stage of kshullaka. At this stage, he must undertake the vows and begin the study of the scriptures.
The performance of the Pravrajya ceremony marks the initiation of a fully ordained monk. This ceremony includes the discarding of clothes, the handing over of the dhoti, the mouth cloth, the alms bowl, broom and stall to the monk. Finally, to tear out the last five tufts of hair from their roots, and this is extremely painful. This lengthy ceremony (which lasts for a month) is as magnificent as it is expensive For example, the candidate once again returns to the world bedecked with jewels, and these jewels then auctioned at the end of the ceremony. The cost of the ceremony is borne by the family of the prospective monk, or if this is not possible, by the entire community.
The ordination is a matter of honour for the family who may also use it for the purposes of publicity. Since the Jains are often very rich, the ordaining of a person from such a family is cause for an extended celebration lasting for days. In the first chapter of her book, A River Sutra, Gita Mehta has described the ordaining of the son of a millionaire jeweller beginning with the crisis in the life of the young man, she weaves in the conflicts arising in the family over the son's resolve to renounce the world. Despite this, the event is utilised to publicise the family's wealth, at the same time it reflects the family's desire of being admired.
The lay followersThe principle of not killing any living being is also enjoined on the non-ordained as the highest ideal. Therefore, from very early on, the choice of profession for the Jains was restricted. They are normally not soldiers, nor are they farmers since the ploughing of the field would inevitably result in the death of the smaller living beings. Until recently, the Jains could not study medicine since religious reasons forbade them to dissect. Consequently, the professions typical of them are banking, money lending and especially, the jewellery business in the modern world with its traffic system; it is no longer possible entirely to protect animals. The Jains have managed to reconcile this state of affairs due to their sense of pragmatism: since they cannot, as lay followers, ever achieve moksha. They prefer to let the ascetics achieve completion and perfection by strictly observing the vows taken by them rather than seeking to realise these themselves.
Since all life is regarded as sacred and inviolable, the Jains are in principle vegetarians. For improving their karma they feed rats, snakes and ants. In Bombay, there is a man who is earning his livelihood by being carried through the Streets on a bed - as food for the bugs. For Europeans the animal hospitals run by the Jains are strange: it is not only animals suffering from a disease which are brought here but also those which were sought to be saved, perhaps from slaughter, and were so purchased in the market or even directly from the butcher before the deed was committed . In 1875, there were three hundred and ninety-five cows and buffaloes, four blind calves, eight hundred and ninety-four goats, twenty horses, seven cats, two monkeys, two hundred and seventy-four hens, two hundred and ninety ducks, two thousand doves, fifty parrots, twenty-five sparrows and thirty-eight other birds in the animal hospital in Ahmedabad. Some of these hospitals even maintain insectariums where insects brought in before the monsoon, so they can be safe. A certain number of them then kept in one room and the room closed for about ten years, since it assumed that all life would have gone out by then.
Devout Jains are involved in minimising the influx of negative karma and in maximising the inflow of positive karma. They seek to achieve this goal by practicing great self-discipline and by avoiding all kinds of excesses, such as unnecessary travel, useless or sinful speech and the excessive expansion of commerce and business. Instead, they restrict themselves to their residential areas, eat moderately and are charitable. All this activity, including the decision to fast totally, achieved through repeatedly making vows to this effect.
A famous method of fasting, which obviously leads to achievements, which could set records, is to fast on one day, then to take one meal, fast the next two days and have a meal on the following day, then fast for the next three days etc. Having reached the limits of one's physical endurance, one should reverse the process to break the fast gradually. In recent times, a woman has succeeded in stretching the period of fasting and of gradually bringing it to thirty days. For this, she required a total of sixteen months.
Lay people can take the 'five small vows' as opposed to the five great vows' of the monks. This means renunciation of certain foodstuffs such as meat, honey, pumpkins, potatoes, onions, garlic, carrots, since according to the Jain religion several souls inhabit this foodstuff. Drinking water must be strained and boiled, and after sunset, nothing should be eaten.
Jainism, like all other Asian religions, lays a lot of stress on meditation. A conscious Jain meditates at least once daily for forty-eight minutes, and there are some who meditate two or three times in a day. The prerequisite for successful meditation is indifference towards everything worldly, neutrality, and being kindly disposed towards all living beings.
In addition to these activities, which presume self-discipline and control, the devout Jain imposes on himself six necessary duties daily. These include the glorification of the Tirthankaras, daily worship at the temple, the taking of a vow, revering one's guru, maintaining one particular posture and making a confession. The confession plays an important role in the worship. It can either be reeled off as a list of sins or take the form of an auricular confession made to the guru or monk.
An enormous amount of self-discipline is required to put into practice these vows and restrictions. This self-discipline is the basis of the Jain religion. Since no deity intervenes and the purging of the karma depends on the individual's effort, it clearly means an extremely difficult and thorny path has to be trodden by the individual. A European misses the Joie de vivre a little. This the Jains, like all other people, undoubtedly acquire along the way but the religion itself does not expressly mention it.
Certain social achievements deserve admiration. In contrast to the Hindu milieu, the widows, for example, enjoy a better and unproblematic status. If a marriage is in the offing and the family is too poor to bear the expenditure, the burden is shared by the entire community. In addition, the Jains finance the education of a student from a common fund: students receive a stipend, money for books, and personal necessities, and live in the Jain hostels in big cities. In return, the students have to keep the community informed of their progress and have to attend the class on religion daily. It is, therefore, not surprising that the Jain community is particularly well educated and cultured. This is yet another reason, in addition to their affluence, why Jains are often envied and resented.
Rituals accompanying life
The adaptation of certain ideas from Hinduism has resulted in the Jains having to perform innumerable rituals; a few are briefly mentioned here.
Five months into the pregnancy, the prospective mother is blessed with holy water to the accompaniment of the recitation of mantras in the Garbhadhana ceremony (the laying of the fruit of the womb) performed for the happiness and prosperity of the child.
Three months later, in a similar ceremony, prayers held for the birth of a boy. Soon after the birth, the horoscope is drawn up, which is very important for every Indian. In addition, mantras (devotional incantation) are recited to Ambika (refer to the chapter on Mt. Abu for the significance of this goddess)
On the third day the infant is, shown the sun during the day and the moon at night for the first time.
Within a month of the birth, mother and child cleansed of the impurities accompanying the birth in a ceremonial bath. A few days later, the child named either by the parents or a particularly respected family member or by a highly revered guru.
Sometime between the age of one and five, the child's hair is shorn off ceremoniously and the hair is either consecrated to a deity or buried in a temple.
If a Jain is devout or reveres a particular guru, he can become a member of the following through the performance of the Samana ceremony especially for this purpose. Although practically every family has its own traditional guru, yet the choice is of the individual. He can make decision at any time, once the individual concerned attains majority and provided he feels the need for it.
The marriage customs too are very similar to those of the Hindus. These include the long drawn out process of the parents selecting the partner by means of horoscopes and initiating inquiries. Another example is the Circumambulation of the holy fire and the tying together of the hands of both partners with a string.
We have already seen how important it is for the Jains to take vows, so after the marriage the couple should promise before a monk to refrain from doing certain things for a certain period of time, and if possible for their whole lives.
Even the last rites are similar to those of the Hindus the corpse is cremated and the ashes scattered in the river. The only difference is that the pile of wooden logs are on a small base made of stone or metal so as not to injure any living beings when the wooden logs are set ablaze.
This very brief overview of the rites of passage is necessarily of a general nature, i.e. the rites mentioned here may differ from region to region and sect to sect. Naturally, the degree of devoutness, the fact whether a family is conservative or liberal as well as the level of education play as decisive a role here as in Europe.
The Origin and Culture of Chaturth Jains | Jain Community on Deccan
The Origin and Culture of Chaturth Jains | Jain Community on Deccan
Geographical Spread
Chaturths are concentrated in Southern part of Maharashtra and Northern part of Karnataka, mainly in Sangli, Kolhapur, Belgaum, Solapur, Hubali and Bijapur districts. Beside these districts, they are also found in western Maharashtra and central Karnataka. They are spread over several hundreds of villages in this area. In many villages of their concentration, their density is 40 to 70 percent of the population. Generally such villages are known as ‘Jain Villages’. Most of these villages are in Krishna basin, on the banks of Krishna, Varana, Panchaganga, Doodhganga, Vedganga, Malprabha and other rivers.
Religion
Chaturths are followers of Jainism. As all indigenous south Indian Jains are Digambar Jains, Chaturths also follow the rule. Traditionally they belong to Beespanth, a sub sect of Digambars. They believe in Bhattarak institution. The Jinsen Bhattarak of Nandani Muth is their Chieftain. In last few decades, many chaturths are attracted to Digambar Terapanth. A small number of Chaturths are Veershaiv Lingayats.
Food Habits
A being Jains, the Chaturths are strictly vegetarians. But unlike Gujarati Jains, they are not so strict about eating root vegetables, brinjals etc. However the use of onions and potatoes is very rare.
Bhaakari of Jawar, Soup of Jawar, Pithale, Rice, Aaamati of Tuar Daal, Kheer of rice are some of the common and popular menus in the meals in Chaturth community.
Occupation:
The traditional occupation of Chaturths is cultivation. They are expert and hardworking cultivaters. They take much more crops from their farms than other farmers having same size of land. Sugar Cane and Soya bean are the main crops they cultivate.
They are not big landowners and many families have very small piece of land. It is due to the partition of the lands because of the growing population.
The spread of education has given them more opportunities to work in other fields. So we can see many people from this community working as teachers, engineers, medicos, businessmen, lawyers, skilled workers etc. Teaching is a popular career both in Chaturth men and women.
A considerable number of people from this community also work in Police and Armed Forces. Even women from this community have joined the forces. I know a Chaturth lady who is a Police Officer in New York Police, another one Commissioned Officer in Indian Army. Lot of other Chaturth men and women are working in Maharashtra and Karnataka Police as cops and officers. In armed forces, they are generally seen in Military, while some are in Indian Air Force.
Few families of Chaturths are from lower income group. Many families in villages have no land or have very small land. Generally men and women of this group work as labours in other’s farm or as servants in shops and small business houses.
Milking buffalos is one of the income sources for many Chaturths in villages. In their villages, they have formed Co-Operative milk societies, which collect milk from all over the village and send it to cities.
Origin of Chaturths
The word Chaturth is a Sanskrit word. This is not the original name of this community, as it is not found anywhere in old documents, literature, copper plates and inscriptions. This name has created confusion and many scholars have assumed that the meaning of this word for a community is Shudra (Chaturth= of the fourth Varna= Shudra in the Varna system). But it is a very wrong assumption based on the name, which never existed in older times. In fact, the word Chaturth is a corrupted form of the word Kshatraru. The word Kshatraru is Kannada form of the Sanskrit word Kshatriya or the Prakrit word Chhatri/ Khatri. So it is clear that the name Chaturth is a corrupted form of the word Kshatriya. (Kshatriya>Kshatraru> Chhatar>Chatar>Chatur>Chaturth). It is notable thing that Chaturths traditionally claim that they are Kshatriyas.
In Konkani language, the Kshatriyas are called as Chardo. There is a community called Chardo in Goa and according to some scholars, Chaturths and Chardos are the same people.
It is notable that Chaturths are known as Jains and not as Chaturths in general.
It is notable that the Chaturths are living in Southern part of Maharashtra and Northern part of Karnataka for many centuries. The Nandani Jain Mutt is related to Chaturths. This Mutt was founded by Acharya Jinsen (10th Century). Acharya Jinsen was the Guru of the Rashtrakut King Amoghvarsha.. This region was ruled by various Jain dynasties, namely Kadambs, Rashtrakuts, Ratts, Chalukyas, Kalchuris and Shilahars.
Every Chaturth family has a recorded genealogy, which is preserved by the Helavis, a community that keeps genealogical records of various families in South Maharashtra and north Karnataka. According to the Helavis, their forefathers were told to keep the records of genealogies by King Bijjal, a Jain King of Kalchuri clan. (13th century). These records give lineage of the forefathers of Chaturth families, usually containing record of 20 to 40 generations.
Moreover, most of the Chaturth family names (Surnames) are related to the higher posts in village administration system. Patil is one of the famous family name in this community, which was used for village chieftain. Another family name found in Chaturth is Desai, which was used for the chief of regional group of villages. The main duty of Desais was to collect tax from the villages of his specific area. There are some other such surnames in Chaturths, like Magdum (Record Keeper) Chougule (Assistant of Patil), Khot (Village Chieftain) etc., which show designations. The designation name Patil was given by Deccan Muslim rulers, before that we find the words Gowda, Gaund, Gounda and Gawada for village chieftains. The notable thing is that these words except Gawada are found as suffixes to the first names of men in all genealogies of Chaturth families. The words Gowda, Gaund and Gounda are also found in various Jain inscriptions, even in the inscriptions at Shravanbelagola.
Historical records of Maharashtra and Karnataka show that forefathers of Chaturths were high profile Civil and military officers in the reign of Ratts, Shilahars, Devgiri Yadavs, Adilshahi, Chhatrapati Shivaji, Sambhaji, Rajaram and Shahu Maharaj.
All this suggests that there is no reason to believe that Chaturths are Shudras. It also totally discards the belief that Chaturth means are follower of Chaturyam Dharm (Four ford religion preached by Teerthankar Parshwanath), as the word Chaturth is a latest one for this community, and they never followed Chaturyam dharm, but Panchyam Dharm.
According to some scholars, Pancham was the only caste of Jains in south India, which was later divided into 4 castes namely Chaturths, Panchams, Kasars and Saitwals. This is a wrong statement based on just assumptions. There is no inscriptional, genealogical or literary proof for it. The scholars, who invented this theory, have written that there is no Chaturth caste in Veershaiv Lingayats. This is a false statement as we can see many Chaturths in Veershaiv Lingayats.
The Saitwals find their origin in North India and there are no links between Saitwals and others communities mentioned above. Moreover, some surnames of Saitwals suggest that they are the oldest Jains of Maharashtra. It should be noted that they are not bilinguals and we can call them Pure Marathi people. Their physical features are also different from that of Chaturths and Panchams. On the other hand, although Kasars are some time called as Panchams, their recorded history in Kalika Puran shows that they are not Panchams.
Although there are some similarities between surnames of Chaturths and Panchams, it should be noted that these surnames are designation names and not clan names. Chaturth is purely a cultivator caste, while Pancham is a Merchant caste. Panchams are descendents of Bir Banij, the famous merchant group of Medieval Deccan. Further, in the genealogical records no same origin of Chaturths and Panchams is traced.
Chaturths are Gowdas
In South Karnataka, there is a cultivator community famously known as Gowdas. There are many similarities between these Gowdas and the Chaturths. Most of the Gowdas were following Jainism until recent past. Still now, some sections of these Gowda people are strictly vegetarians and some are following Jainism. Some Gowdas are being reconverted to Jainism. This occurs mainly in the Gangatakar/ Gangadikara and Namdhari subcastes of Gowdas.
The word Gowda is used as a suffix to the first name in Gowda community. On the other hand, as I have written above, we can find the word Gowda, Gaund, Gounda (which have the same meaning) in all the genealogies of Chaturths. These words are still used as suffixes in rural areas in Chaturth community. One of my friends Mr. Rajendra Paygonda Patil residing at Samdoli, a Jain village near Sangli, has a genealogical record of 25 generations of his forefathers. Out of the 61 names found in that genealogy, 58 names have been suffixed by Gowda,Gownda or Gonda. The notable thing is that in first 19 generations, only Gowda suffix is found. After 20th generation only the suffix Gownda or Gonda occurs. I have seen many of the genealogies different Chaturth families and found the suffix Gowda everywhere.
It is notable that Gowdas are known as Vokkaliga Gowdas, and the Chaturths also were known as Vokkaligas a century ago
There are many other similarities between Chaturths and Gowdas. Both the communities are traditionally cultivators. Gowdas are Kannada speaking, and Chaturths too. Although the Chaturths in Maharashtra have adopted Marathi language, they are originally Kannada speakers, and now speak both Kannada and Marathi at home in rural areas. Both the communities have high rank designations in village administration system. The most important thing is that both the communities have similar body structure/ physical features like complexion, height, head size and nasal index.
An interesting thing is that the Jains of Kerala, which are mostly found in Waynad district, are known as Gowdars. They have matrimonial relations with Jain Gowdas of South Karnataka.
So, I am sure that the Gowdas and Chaturths are the same people. Gowdas of North Karnataka are now being known as Chaturths..
Chaturths: Migrations and Settlements
The oldest known migration was from north India to Karnataka, when the Dravidians were migrated towards South India, due to invasion of Vedic Aryans. As the Gowdas and Chaturths are from the same stock, the ancient migration history of Gowdas is applicable to Chaturths also.
A migration of this community to North Karnataka from Moodbidri took place when Jainism declined in Moodbidri region. In this migration, some Jains of this region went to Kostal Karnataka while many others wend to Northern part of Karnataka. They settled on the banks of river Krishna and her tributaries like Varana, Panchganga, Malprabha, Doodhganga, Vedganga etc.
An inscription of Kolhapur Shilahar General Nimbras (13th Century) states that he colonized many villages nearby Kolhapur by inviting staunch Jains to this area. That also was an important migration of Chaturth community.
There was another migration when Basava, a Brahmin Prime Minister of Kaluchiri king Bijjal killed the King. Bijjal was a Jain king ruling from Kalyan in Bidar district of North Karnataka. Basava was founder of Veershaivism. After the assassination of Bijjal, there was a civil war between Jains and Veershaiv Lingayats. At this time many Chaturth families migrated to South Maharashtra (Sangli, Kolhapur) and North Karnataka (Belgavi).
Genealogical records of Chaturth families show that they came in present area from Salbidri, Talikota etc.of Bijapur District. The Helavis (genealogy tellers) say that these families migrated due to conflicts with Adil Shah of Bijapur.
It is a question, that why these people migrated to south Maharashtra and North Karnataka from Salbidri/ Talikot araea. The most probable reason is that there were prior settlements of Jains in this area and the migrants found this area safer to settle. It is notable that Shilahars of Kolhapur, who were follower of Jainism, ruled this area (10th to 13th Century C.E.). The earliest migrations to this area we know are in 13th century when conflicts between Jains and Veershaiv Lingayats took place in Bijapur and Koppal region.
After settling in South Maharashtra and Belgavi district of Karnataka, there were a lot of local migrations when some Chaturth families eventually settled in nearby villages of the same region. Such families adopted the names of their prior villages as surnames.
The latest migrations of Chaturth families are towards Pune, Thane, Mumbai, Nashik, Aurangabad, Ratnagiri, Sindhudurg districts of Maharashtra, to Panji and Madgaon of Goa and to Bangaluru city of Karnataka. There are migrations also towards district headquarters like Sangli, Kolhapur, Belgaum, Hubli etc. from nearby villages. This is due to less scope in cultivation and availability of more opportunities in various fields in the cities. As there is a high literacy rate in Chaturth community, having professional and technical skills, they are getting more and more opportunities outside their region. A considerable number of Chaturths have migrated even towards United States, Canada, North America, Europe, Australia and other countries of the Globe.
Religious Conversions
In the period of the known history of last 1000 years, many Chaturth families were converted to other faiths.
One of the major conversions of Chaturths was to Veershaivism. Veershaivism got a firm support from people of all creeds in North Karnatka. Many Chaturth families adopted this new faith. We can see many Chaturth families in North Karnataka and southern parts of Kolhapur district of Maharshtra are followers of Veershaivism and are known as Chaturth Lingayats. It is a well-known fact that that many Chaturth Jain families and Chaturth Lingayat families are descendents of same forefathers. The records kept by the Helavis confirm this fact.
It is said that the Jain Bhattaraks of the medieval age were collecting huge money from Jain families in villages. Many Jain families denied paying money. These Bhattaraks expelled such families from Jain community and forced them to become Veershaiv Lingayats.
In Portuguese period, almost all the Chardos (Chaturths) in Goa were converted to Christianity.
In the reign of Adilshah of Bijapur Saltnat, many Chaturth families were forcefully converted to Islam. Some Chaturths adopted Islam for political benefits. All this happened mainly in Bijapur, the Capital of the saltnat.
Some genealogical records show that some Chaturth families got converted to Maratha caste of Hindus.
Names and Surnames
Most of the first names of Chaturth males and females are like the names of common names of the Indian people of this area. But there are some first names, which are found especially in Jain community. Chaturths proudly name their children with such names, which include Mahavir, Bharat, Bahubali, Neminath, Goutam, Rishabh, Shrenik, Rajmati, Rajul, Chelana, Chandana etc. In previous generation, they named their children as Nemgonda, Nemanna, Shantappa, Jinappa, Shrimati, Shripal. Bhupal etc.
We can classify surnames or family names of Chaturth community in four categories.
a. Designation Names: These family names are related to their designations in village administration system. Such family names include Desai (Regional Administrator), Nadgouda (Regional Administrator) Patil (Village chief), Choudhari (village chief), Chougule (assistant of Patil), Magdum (Record Keeper), Khot (), Kulkarni (Record Keeper), Deshpande. Last two surnames are not so common in Chaturth community. Some families have Nayak or Naik as surname. Nayak is a Kannada word for leader and it is also a rank in Army.
Patil overtakes all other surnames in this category in surnames.
I have observed that every Chaturth family of this region is descendent of persons bearing the surname Desai.
b. Village Names as surnames: Many Chaturth family names are derived from village names. The number of such names is very big. Some examples of such family names are: Akkole (from akkol village), Rukade (from Rukadi village), Shedbale (from Shedbal Village), Ankale (from Ankali village), Udgave (from Udgav village), Kumbhojakar (from Kumbhoj village, Chiprikar (from village Chipri), Ankalikar from village Ankali), Nandanikar (from village Nandani) etc.
First Names as Surnames: Some surnames are derived from the first names of the persons from whom the branch of family tree started, i.e. Nemanna, Satyanna, Chimanna, Basannavar, etc.
Surnames by Occupations: Such surnames are very rare in Chaturth community. I found Gavali (Milkmaid), Shetti (Merchant) surname of this types in this community.
c. Some surnames were kept because of some incidents.
d. Some surnames of Chaturths are commonly found in the Marathas (a warrior community of Maharashtra). But in Chaturths such surnames are not so common. Such names include Suryavanshi, Chavan, Salunkhe, Shelar, etc. Some Maratha sub clan names like Navale, Lande, Nakate/Nakhate etc. are also found in Chaturths.
e. Some surnames were kept according to the type of house in which the family lived. Such surnames include Doddamani (Big House), Halimani (Old House), Kattimani (House having a katta), Vasamani (New House) etc.
f. The surname ‘Jain’ is rarely used.
There are no clans or gotras in Chaturth community, so there are no clan/gotra names as surnames. Why there are no clans in this community is a subject of research.
Language
Chaturths are basically Kannada speaking people, but now they are bilinguals. The Chaturths of North Karnataka and South Maharashtra speak both the Marathi and Kannada languages. But usage of Kannada language in Chaturths of Maharashtra is on the way out.
Literacy
There is a highest literacy rate amongst this community. Probably it is 100%. A considerable number of Chaturths are in teaching field. They are primary and high school teachers and even professors in colleges. They have founded hundreds of educational institutions in all over South Maharashtra and North Karnataka. This has benefited this community and others in spreading of literacy.
Customs and Traditions
Marriages: parents of the guy and girl generally arrange Marriages in this community. Uapadye, the priest of the Jain temple, performs the marriages. Just few decades ago, marrying with cross cousins was a common practice, but now it is almost disappeared. They also practiced marriages between the girl and her maternal uncle, until some decades ago. This proves the Dravidian origin of Chaturth community. Such marriages are now out of practice.
In villages, the parents of the girl prefer a guy having land for agriculture, even if the guy has a good job in public or private sector, or he is self employed having his own business house. They generally marry in their own caste, but in cities marriages between Chaturths and other Jain castes, especially Panchams, Saitwals, Kasars, Bogars, Humads, kamboj etc. are taking place.
The first known famous marriage of a Chaturth guy outside chaturth community was arranged in 19xx. The girl was from Pancham community, niece of Annasaheb Latthe, a progressive Jain. Annasaheb Latthe was Prime Minister of Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur and founder of Dakshin Bharat Jain Sabha.
A small number of marriages occur outside Jain community.
In villages, many marriages are performed under ‘Quick Marriage System’ popularly known as ‘Yaadi Mein Shaadi’. In this system, the guy and some of his close relatives go to see a girl, and if both the guy and girl agree to marry, a quick marriage takes place on the same day or within 2-3 days in presence of limited people, generally close relatives.
After the marriage, the bride comes to the house of the parents of the guy and stays there for five days. An elder woman, who is her close relative, accompanies her. Then the bride returns to her parents and stays there for some days. Generally the groom goes to her house and brings her back.
Birth of Child: The pregnant woman generally goes to her father’s house for first delivery. This tradition is ancient one and we can see it in many communities of ancient India.
Namkaran (Naming): The child is named on 12th day of his/ her birth. The paternal aunt (father’s sister) of the child declares the name.
Karnchhedan: A small hole on the lower part of both the ears of the child is made. The village goldsmith performs this act.
Javal/ aliya: The cutting of hairs of the child for first time is called as ‘Jawal Kadhane’ in Marathi and Aliya in Kannad. This ritual is performed in a small function at home by maternal uncle of the child and the village barber.
Sallekhana: Sallekhana is a tradition in Jain community where seriously sick old persons adopt death by fasting. In Chaturth community, this is a widespread tradition.
Chaturth Women:Chaturth women are educated, homely, and religious, and bear true Jain spirit. Chaturth women in villages are generally orthodox.
Pilgrimage Centers:Like most of the other Jain communities, in Chaturth Jains also there is a tradition of visiting various Jain pilgrimage centers. Many Chaturth families, individuals and groups visit the most famous pilgrimage centers namely Sammed Shikharaji in Jharkhand, Shravanbelgola in Karnataka and Girnar in Gujarat. They also visit Mangi Tungi, Gajpanth, Ramtek, Kunthalgiri in Maharashtra and Shasraphani Parshwanath, Babanagar, Hombuj Padmavati, Dharmasthal, Kanakgiri and lot of other places in Karnataka.
In there own area also there are some famous Jain pilgrimage centers, which the Chaturths visits many times. Such places include Bahubali and Nadani in Kolhapur district, Kundal in Sangli district, Nandgiri in Satara district, Stavnidhi and Kuppankothali in Belgavi district, and the Belgavi city fort where an ancient royal Jain temple Kamalbasti is situated.
Socio-Religious Organizations
Dakshin Bharat Jain Sabha is the most popular and most famous socio-religious organization of Chaturths and other Digambar Jains in South Maharashtra and North Karnataka. This organization was founded in 1999 and works for educational, social and religious causes.
Chaturths in Freedom Movement:Chaturth community has done a good job in the freedom movement of India. They were mainly associated with the famous freedom fighter Vasant Dada Patil, who later became Chief Minister of Maharashtra. Other group of Chaturths was associated with Krantiveer Nana Patil and Barde Guruji, who succeeded expelling British people from all the districts of Satara and South Satara (now known as Sangli) in 1942.
Rajmati Birnale, a Chaturth Jain girl from Nana Patil’s group was famous for her activities against British rule.
Chaturths in Co-Operative movement
Co-Operative movement in Western Maharashtra and Noth Karnataka has changed social and economical face of these regions. Contribution of Chaturth community is very important in this movement. The Sangli Sahkari Sakhar Karkhana, now known as Vasantdada Sahakari Sakhar Karkhana is one of the biggest co-operative sugar mill in Asia. It was founded by Vasantdada Patil mainly with help of Chaturth farmers in Jain villages in Sangli district. Chaturths also helped to found many sugar mills in Kolhapur district.
The Awade family, belonging to Chaturth community is well known for their contribution in founding co-operative sugar mills, Yarn mills etc. Shamrao Patil Yadravkar of this community also founded a sugar mill.
In every village where Chaturths are in a sufficient numerical strength, have founded various co-operative societies.
Chaturths in Politics:
Most of the Chaturths are traditionally supporters of Congress Party. But eventually they support other secular parties like Rastravadi Congress Party (NCP), Janata Dal and Independent candidates. As the main occupation of Chaturths is cultivation and they are born cultivators, they always support Farmer’s Organizations in their causes. They rarely support Hindutwa parties like BJP and Shivsena.
As Chaturths are effective minority community in their area, their stand is very important in elections. Most of the times, they succeed to elect the candidates they want. In their area of high density, they succeed to elect their own candidates for assembly and parliament.
They get a considerable representation in Zilha Parishads, Taluka Panchayat Samitis, Municipal Corporations and municipalities of this region. So we can see ZP and Panchayat Samiti presidents, Mayors, ZP members and city corporations from this community.
Famous Personalities:
Chaturths have given many great personalities in religious, social, educational and other fields. Acharya Shantisagar, the first Digambar Jain Acharya of this era was from this community. The famous Jain Acharyas Deshbhooshan and Vidyasagar too are from this community.
The most famous personality from Chaturth community is Karmveer Bhaurao Patil. He was an educationalist and social reformer. He founded Rayat Shikshan Sanstha, which is the biggest educational institution of Asia with hundreds of schools, colleges, hostels and other institutions in rural areas of Western Maharashtra. His great grandfather xxx was the chieftain of Nandani Jain Bhattarak seat. Karmveer Bhaurao Patil was felicitated as Padmbhooshan for his great work by the President of India. A commemorative postage stamp on him was also issued by the postal department of India..
List of notable Chaturths:
Nimbaras: Chief of the army of Shilahar King Bhoj II. Nimbaras was famous for his bravery. He fought and won many battles.
Khangouda Desai: A Sardar of Adilshah of Bijapur, later revolted and joined Shivaji’s army. He became a General of Sambhaji.
Hangandi Desai: He was a famous Maratha Saradar at the time of Peshavas.
Karmveer Bhaurao Patil: Educationalist, Social reformer, founder of Rayat Shikshan Sanstha.
Appasaheb Patil: He was the man who arranged first conference of Dalits. Chhatrapati Sahu Maharaj of Kolhapur was the Chief Guest in this conference. It was attended by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, who was a young guy at that time.
Rajmati Birnale: A revolutionary in freedom movement of India
Baa. Bhu. Patil: Founder of Ratnakar Bank, Jain activist and leader, a lawyer, writer, publisher.
Tatya Keshav Chopde: Noted Marathi writer and historian
Appa Bhau. Magdum: Noted Marathi writer, poet, publisher and social reformer
Annasaheb Bhau Magdum: One of the early students of the great Karmveer Bhaurao Patil, who later became Chief Secretary of Rayat Shikshan Sanstha. He was a mathematician and an educationalist.
Balasaheb Patil: A leader of non-Brahmin movement, journalist, writer and social reformer. He was editor of Satyavadi, a Marathi daily published from Kolhaour.
Rajmati Patil: A Philanthropologist
Kallapaa Anna Awade: A leader of co-operative movement in Maharashtra, ex M.P.
A.B. Jaknur: : A leader of co-operative movement in Karnataka, Politician, Ex-Minister
Indumati Awade: Founder of Asia’s first women’s co-operative yarn mill.
Raju Shetti: Leader of farmers, President of Swabhimani Shetkari Sanghatana, elected as a Member of Parliament in 2009 elections.
Sharad Patil: Educationalist, writer and politician
Prakash Awade: Politician, Ex Minister of Maharashtra.
Suresh Patil: Ex Mayor of Sangli city, Businessman, Educationalist
Dhulappa Anna Navale: Freedom fighter, close colleague of Vasant Dada Patil, (Late Chief Minister of Maharashtra), MLA of Maharshtra.
Bhalchandra Vagyani: Justice, writer, President of 18th Marathi Jain Sahitya Sammelan.
Bhuvanedra Kumar: Jain Scholar and Activist from Canada
Subhash Chandra Akkole: Jain Scholar, Marathi writer, the first one who discovered medieval history of Marathi Jain literature.
Dr. Ravsaheb Patil: Noted Marathi writer, speaker and thinker
Mahavir Sanglikar: Noted writer, scholar and thinker
Neelam Mangave: Noted Marathi writer
Harshit Abhiraj: Music Composer, Singer and Film Producer
Bapusaheb Patil: Industrialist
J.F. Patil: Noted Economist
Parshwanath Digrajkar: Musician and Singer, Guru of the famous singer Suresh Wadkar
Major Prakash Patil: Educationalist, Social Worker
Ajit Narade: leader of cultivators
Bapusaheb Magdum: A Communist leader
This research is mainly based on the fieldwork and observations by the writer. The writer himself belongs to this community. The main sources of this research include:
1. Helavi records
2. Discussions with Patils of various Jain villages
3. Discussions with Dakshin Bharat Jain Sabha activists
4. Discussions with elderly persons
5. Discussions with elderly and knowledgeable priests of Jain temples in Jain villages
Reference Books:
1.Jain Community: A Social Survey by Dr. Vilas Sangave
2. People of India
3. Jain Aani Hindu by Tatya Keshav Chopade
4. Census of India reports 1881 to 2001
5. All India Digambar Jain Directory 1914
6. Dakshin Bharat Jain Sabhecha Itihas
7. Jain Shilalekh Sangrah Bhag I
8. History of Gounder community
9. The Origin of Gowdas
10. Shilahar Rajwanshacha Itihas: Dr. V.V. Mirashi
11. Kolhapur District Gazetteer 1884
12. District Gazetteer of Belgaum
13. District Gazetteer of Mysore
14. Canadian Studies in Jainism by Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar
15. The Origin of Gowdas
16. Jain Vadhu Var Parichay Melava Directory 1999, 2001 published by Jain Sahyog, Pune
17. Aanasaheb Latthe biography
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